By Bob Walsh
Published by an old curmudgeon who came to America in 1936 as a refugee from Nazi Germany and proudly served in the U.S. Army during World War II. He is a former law enforcement officer and a retired professor of criminal justice who, in 1970, founded the Texas Narcotic Officers Association. BarkGrowlBite refuses to be politically correct. (Copyrighted articles are reproduced in accordance with the copyright laws of the U.S. Code, Title 17, Section 107.)
By Bob Walsh
By Howie Katz
Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, chairman of the White House Religious Liberty Commission, ousted Carrie Prejean Boller from the commission for her Jew-hating rant during its first public meeting.
In May 2025, President Trump appointed former California beauty queen Carrie Prejean Boller to the White House Religious Liberty Commission. Trump must have been thinking with his dick because she had a long history of expressing Jew-hatred. And on February 9, Boller hijacked the commission's first public meeting with a Jew-hating rant and a defense of Jew-haters Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens.

When Boller refused to heed a chorus of calls for her to resign, the commission's chairman Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick promptly ousted her Jew-hating ass. Here is what Patrick said:
“Carrie Prejean Boller has been removed from President Trump’s Religious Liberty Commission. No member of the Commission has the right to hijack a hearing for their own personal and political agenda on any issue. This is clearly, without question, what happened Monday in our hearing on antisemitism in America. This was my decision.”
God bless Dan Patrick and shame on President Trump for appointing the beauty queen with a long history of Jew-hatred to the commission.
Nerdeen Kiswani said dogs have a 'place in society' but 'not as indoor pets'
A Palestinian activist has called for dogs to be banned as pets in New York City claiming they aren't Islamic.
Nerdeen Kiswani said dogs have a 'place in society' but 'not as indoor pets.'
'Like we've said all along, they are unclean,' she wrote on X.
After receiving fierce backlash she later claimed that her post was a 'joke'.
'[Laughing] at the Zionists frothing at the mouth at this, thinking they're doing something,' she wrote.
'It's obviously a joke I don't care if you have a dog, I do care if your dog is s***ting everywhere and you're not cleaning it.
'Also clearly trying to weigh in on an issue unaware of the current NYC discourse where we're collectively (jokingly) hating on dogs given all the visible dog s**t in the unmelted snow.'
Muslims typically do not keep dogs as pets as many believers feel they are meant to be used for work such as herding or hunting.
Kiswani gained notoriety for leading Pro-Palestine protests in New York City with her organization Within Our Lifetime (WOL), which calls for the eradication of Israel.
She led several rallies across the boroughs, where protesters marched down busy streets chanting for the 'full liberation of Palestine' and 'from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.'
She poked ire with Jewish New Yorkers after WOL suggested the October 7 massacre, where more than 200 Israelis were taken hostage and 1,400 died, was justified.
At the time, Kiswani shared a post by WOL on X, which called for a rally 'as we mobilize to defend the heroic Palestinian resistance, honor our martyrs and let the world know that NYC stands with Gaza.'
The WOL website states that oppressed people 'have the right to win their liberation by any means necessary.'
Kiswani's activism goes back to the early 2010s.
Muslims typically do not keep dogs as pets as many believers feel they are meant to be used for work
Kiswani gained notoriety over the years for her Pro-Palestine stances and for leading protests
Selected to give the 2022 commencement speech at CUNY Law School, Kiswani grabbed the opportunity to espouse hatred of America, Israel, and the Jewish people
In 2014, Kiswani shared a statement from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) after it killed four worshippers in a shooting and meat cleaver attack in a Jerusalem synagogue, which said their actions were a 'natural response' to Israeli aggression, the ADL says.
Kiswani and WOL have also shared material venerating PFLP and one of its leaders, Leila Khaled, known for her role in the hijacking of two civilian airliners, TWA Flight 840 in 1969, bound for Tel Aviv from Rome, and El Al Flight 219 in 1970, traveling from Amsterdam to New York City.
In 2022, Kiswani shared a meme of the Little Miss children's cartoon character on her Instagram page in 2022 that read: 'Little Miss telling everyone Israel is [sic] will be wiped off the map inshallah [God willing].'
She was accused of anti-Semitism that same year after delivering a speech for CUNY Law School in Queens, New York, in which she excoriated 'Zionists' and condemned 'normalizing' trips to Israel.
The Daily Mail has contacted Kiswani for comment.

Speaking in an interview with Israeli Channel 12's Ulpan Shishi news program, Yehoud, 30, described prolonged physical, psychological and sexual abuse at the hands of her captors in Gaza. She said she was held alone in extended isolation, starved and subjected to repeated mistreatment. During her captivity, she added, two of her ribs were broken.
"I tried to take my life several times. I felt that I couldn't go on," Yehoud said. The abuse, she stressed, was not a one-time incident but an almost daily reality throughout her 482 days in captivity.

Yehoud said she attempted suicide on three separate occasions. "There were moments when I thought that was the only way out," she said.
She credited her partner, Ariel Cunio, who was abducted alongside her on October 7 but later separated from her, with giving her the strength to survive. "Every time I remembered Ariel, it gave me the strength to keep breathing," she said.
In the first months of their captivity, the couple managed to smuggle short love notes to each other through intermediaries, she recounted. That communication was eventually stopped when their captors threatened that if Cunio mentioned her name again, she would be harmed. For more than a year, the two lived in complete uncertainty about each other's fate.
Yehoud was released on January 30, walking alone through a crowd surrounded by armed terrorists. "My mind was trying to understand — am I free? But still surrounded by them?" she recalled. Even at the moment of her release, she said, she feared being abducted again.
After 738 days in captivity, Cunio was also freed. The couple are now trying to rebuild their lives. Yehoud said they are coping with sleepless nights, flashbacks and trauma, but emphasized that their belief they would see each other again is what kept them alive throughout the long months of captivity.
Documents from Hamas’s Ministry of Interior and National Security prove that Mohammed Halabi worked with the terror group.
World Vision’s Gaza director Mohammad El Halabi was an operative of Hamas and guilty of diverting aid to the terror group.
Israel came under criticism when, in 2016, it arrested World Vision’s Gaza director, Mohammed El Halabi, for working with Hamas. European diplomats, United Nations officials and so-called “humanitarian” NGOs accused Israel of condemning an innocent man.
On Wednesday, a Jerusalem-based watchdog group revealed that Halabi was, in fact, guilty.
It is the latest revelation from a trove of declassified internal Hamas memos pored over by NGO Monitor.
Three documents from Hamas’s Ministry of Interior and National Security (MoINS) prove that Halabi, who served as World Vision’s director of Gaza operations, was an operative of Hamas and guilty of diverting aid to the terror group.
In a March 2020 document, a Hamas agency said that Halabi was in contact with several “brothers” from the al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas’s “military” wing.
Hamas viewed his “arrest and trial as a major breach of internal security,” NGO Monitor found. The terror group did its best to tamper with the trial.
“Our monitoring and coordination with all relevant parties in the case had a role in thwarting multiple schemes to bring about the conviction of Mohammed Halabi,” according to an internal Hamas document.
The documents showed that Hamas monitored Israeli court proceedings, tracked down and questioned suspected informants in Gaza, and sought to stop potential witnesses from traveling to Israel to testify, NGO Monitor said.
On June 15, 2016, Halabi was arrested by the Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) while crossing into Gaza. He was charged with diverting $50 million to terrorist groups.
“According to the indictment against him, Halabi used fictitious humanitarian projects and agricultural associations to act as a cover for the hijacking of monies and materials to Hamas,” NGO Monitor said.
On June 15, 2022, exactly four years after his arrest and despite Hamas’s efforts to derail the trial, Halabi was convicted by the Beersheva District Court on multiple terror-related charges, including supplying Hamas with construction materials for building (and concealing) military sites and tunnels, obtaining weapons, gathering intelligence on Israeli positions, diverting funds, employing Hamas members, and rigging the World Vision tender process to support the organization.
The Beersheva court handed Halabi a 12-year sentence, but on Feb. 1, 2025, he was released as part of a hostages-for-ceasefire deal. According to Britain’s The Guardian, Halabi was born in Gaza. NGO Monitor told JNS that he is likely there now.
The court proceedings took place behind closed doors so as not to compromise security sources. This opened Israel up to criticism from rights groups, which rushed to Halabi’s defense.
On May 17, 2023, Amnesty International, known for its anti-Israel bias, described Halabi as a “prisoner of conscience.” It claimed he had “dedicated his life to supporting and empowering children and people with disabilities.”
As most of World Vision’s funding to Gaza came from World Vision Australia at that time, Australia took a special interest in the case.
On June 16, 2022, a day after the court handed down its sentence, then-World Vision Australia CEO Tim Costello, a Baptist minister, declared in an op-ed he co-authored in The Sydney Morning Herald, “The verdict overnight announces the demise of the rule of law in Israeli courts.”
Costello insisted that Halabi was “an innocent man” and that there was “no substantial evidence” presented to support the charges against him.
In a Feb. 12 report about the Hamas documents, The Sydney Morning Herald said it had reached out to Costello, who declined to comment.
Gerald Steinberg, president of NGO Monitor, insisted in a statement that “the Hamas documents clearly demonstrate that attacks on the Israeli justice system from the leaders of World Vision Australia were part of a fabricated smear campaign.”
World Vision International, whose annual revenue in 2023 was $3.5 billion, ceased its operations in Gaza in 2016 due to Halabi’s arrest. It said it had initiated an independent audit that year to investigate. Completed in July 2017, it claimed that the audit “found no evidence of diversion of funds and no material evidence that El-Halabi was part of, or working for Hamas.”
“World Vision’s investigation was private and opaque. It is unclear how this investigation was conducted, what materials were reviewed, and the mandate from World Vision,” NGO Monitor told JNS.
The Australian government, which had been funding World Vision Australia, suspended funding in the immediate wake of Harabi’s arrest. But in 2022-23, Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) gave the group $39.9 million (AUS), or $28.3 million (US).
“Gaza reconstruction will be a test for Australia and other donor governments, and for the aid industry, including powerful NGOs,” Steinberg told JNS. “Will they learn from this and other failures, and cooperate with Israel on real oversight mechanisms to ensure taxpayer dollars are no longer diverted to terrorists?”
World Vision International has also come under scrutiny in the United States. In a 2020 investigation, Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) found that World Vision had unknowingly worked with the Islamic Relief Agency (ISRA), an organization sanctioned by the US since 2004 for funding terrorist activities.
“Ignorance can’t suffice as an excuse,” Grassley said at the time.
In 2023, Grassley sent a letter to World Vision International seeking information about its audit following the conviction of Halabi. Noting that World Vision did not make the audit public, Grassley demanded an unredacted copy.
“In 2022, World Vision received $491 million in ‘food, non-food commodities and cash’ from the US government. Additionally, World Vision is the ‘sixth largest implementor of USAID grants,’” he said.
“Congress and the American people deserve transparency with respect to the steps World Vision has taken to ensure taxpayer money is used as intended and not for illegal activity,” he added.
Although Grassley has repeated his request for the audit from World Vision, the organization has yet to provide it to him or his staff.

Thousands of protesters from around the country rallied on the National Mall in a show of support for Israel, as well as to condemn antisemitism in October 2023.
The tsunami of global antisemitism in the wake of the massacre of Israelis on Oct. 7, 2023, and during the Gaza war that followed, has caused as much bafflement as horror at the sheer perversity of this malevolence.
It’s now become clear, however, that what we’re looking at is an even more sinister pattern of behavior. Appallingly, the slaughter of Jews excites a large number of people so much that it galvanizes them to howl for the blood of more.
This was manifest on Oct. 7 itself, when mobs started pouring onto the streets of Western cities screaming about genocide and “intifada now,” even while the Israelis were still battling the Hamas terrorists perpetrating the slaughter.
This week, Israeli President Isaac Herzog visited Australia to express solidarity with its beleaguered Jewish community, six weeks after the Bondi beach terrorist atrocity when 14 Jews and one off-duty police officer were murdered by Islamist gunmen.

Obscenely, the memory of those victims was desecrated by a hate-fest on the streets of Sydney and Melbourne. Herzog was greeted by mobs screaming “From Gadigal to Gaza, globalize the intifada!”(Gadigal being the Aboriginal name for Australia), and promoting the same lies about genocide and war crimes that had incited the pogrom-style atmosphere culminating in the Bondi Beach atrocity.
The same shocking phenomenon has been on display in Britain. The latest report by the Jewish defense body, the Community Security Trust, which recorded last year the second-highest number of attacks in a calendar year, says that the Yom Kippur terrorist attack on a Manchester synagogue that left two Jews dead triggered an immediate spike in antisemitism.
On the day of that attack, the CST recorded 40 antisemitic incidents, with a further 40 the following day—the two highest daily totals during the year. And, in December, it recorded a similar if smaller spike in the wake of the Bondi Beach atrocity.
The same shocking phenomenon has been on display in Britain. The latest report by the Jewish defense body, the Community Security Trust, which recorded last year the second-highest number of attacks in a calendar year, says that the Yom Kippur terrorist attack on a Manchester synagogue that left two Jews dead triggered an immediate spike in antisemitism.
On the day of that attack, the CST recorded 40 antisemitic incidents, with a further 40 the following day—the two highest daily totals during the year. And, in December, it recorded a similar if smaller spike in the wake of the Bondi Beach atrocity.
In other words, terrorist atrocities against Jews have produced not sympathy or horror, but rather, spikes in Jew-hatred, even in other countries. This isn’t just confined to a few cranks and nut jobs on the fringes of society. It involves many thousands of people.
There’s nothing remotely normal or explicable about this. It’s a form of madness that’s taken widespread hold.
Even if Israel is hated, that doesn’t explain why so many regard it as the single greatest threat to the world, deserving a level of opprobrium meted out to no other country on earth, including the world’s great tyrannies such as Russia, China or Iran.
What can explain such an obsession with Israel and Zionism? What is driving people in the supposedly civilized West to call in their droves for the killing of Jews?
This deranged and murderous hatred is, of course, standard fare in the Muslim world, and Muslims have been leading the charge against Israel and the Jews ever since Oct. 7. But plenty of non-Muslims have been pitching in alongside them.
One reason is Palestinianism: that exterminatory creed whose aim is the destruction of Israel, and whose antecedents lie in both the murderous Islamic theological hatred of Jews and in the Nazi party of the 1930s to which the Arabs of pre-Israel Palestine were allied.
Deploying the Nazi demonization of the Jews and Soviet-style inversion of language and reality, the Palestinian cause has acted as a Trojan horse for antisemitism among the liberals and leftists who control Western culture and for whom “Palestine” has become their moral lodestar.
Grotesquely, this has reframed bigotry as conscience. This week, a new and sinister low was plumbed in the politically liberal British seaside resort of Brighton. Keffiyeh-clad activists went door-knocking from house to house asking residents to boycott Israeli goods—and noting down those who didn’t agree to do so—to turn the town into a “Zionist-free” zone.
Many reasons can be adduced for this wild and venomous hostility. There’s the grip of “anti-colonialist” dogma that’s now standard in the universities, along with the “intersectional” network of so-called “oppressed” victim groups. There’s the fact that the idea of Israelis as victims can’t be allowed to get in the way of that “colonialist oppressor” narrative.
These and more are valid reasons. Ultimately, however, this obsession defies rational explanation because it is a form of Jew-hatred—and that’s a pathology, a paranoid neurosis, a collective derangement that defies reason itself.
In a thoughtful but provocative lecture last week at New York’s 92nd Street Y, New York Times columnist Bret Stephens said that since antisemitism is immune to rational engagement, Diaspora Jews should stop trying to defeat it. Instead, they should concentrate on building and maintaining thriving Jewish communities devoted to instilling Jewish knowledge and culture among their young.
Building up Jewish identity and peoplehood is indeed absolutely critical. However, that’s no reason to abandon the fight against the madness engulfing the West.
First, Jews have a duty to bear witness against such a monstrosity and to stand up for truth and justice. Second, it’s wrong to cast the issue as antisemitism. While anti-Jewish feeling is certainly at its core, it expresses itself through anti-Zionism. And this has gained such traction because it uses claims that purport to be observable facts.
Even though these are wildly distorted and false, they derive from actual events, such as the war in Gaza, which gives these claims a level of plausibility. That has persuaded many who are not antisemites to believe them as true, and therefore to hate Israelis and Zionism.
Those lies can and should be fought. Indeed, anti-Zionism is an evil in itself and should be attacked as such.
It is bizarre and wrong to single out one country for double standards—to demonize it alone by wall-to-wall lies and distortions, to deny to one people alone the right to their own ancestral homeland. Anti-Zionism should be fought as a form of bigotry in itself.
But while there are good reasons for not publicly identifying this onslaught as antisemitism, the fact remains that bigotry against a country doesn’t have the same level of evil as bigotry against a people—and this bigotry only happens with Jews.
We need to face squarely what we’re up against. Jew-hatred isn’t just another kind of prejudice or racism. It’s a unique desire to rid the world of a people because their very existence is felt to be unbearable.
Such haters don’t think Jews are victims because they don’t behave as victims. They are instead conspicuously successful. This inspires resentment and jealousy among Westerners, who therefore think claims of antisemitism and Jewish victimization must be a Jewish scam to sanitize Jewish wrongdoing.
And the really terrible reason that the murderous attacks on Jews incite and inspire such Westerners to double down with calls for more attacks on Jews is that, like the Islamists, they believe they’re now within sight of their goal to get rid of the “Jewish problem” once and for all.
They treat as gospel what’s said by the entire global humanitarian establishment that has framed the demonization of Israel and dehumanization of Zionists as “anti-racism” and has cast Israel and its supporters as pariahs. They hear no push-back whatever from the lily-livered liberals and revolutionary fellow travelers that form the governments of Britain and France, Canada and Australia.
Hypocritically wringing their hands about Bondi, Manchester and Oct. 7—and professing falsely that there’s no place for antisemitism in their own countries while doing nothing to stop it—these governments parrot propaganda that incites hatred of Israel and have given way to Islamist intimidation and cultural creep at home.
So Jew-haters think their time has come. If they now pile in to kick the Jews in the gut when they’re down and vulnerable, they may get rid of them altogether from their heads, their conscience and their world.
In other words, the Jews are facing a cultural war against them. The proper response to such a war is not to give up or deflect it. It is to fight back better.
The world’s largest aircraft carrier, the USS “Gerald R. Ford,” has been ordered to sail from the Caribbean Sea to join the USS “Abraham Lincoln” strike group in the Middle East, U.S. media outlets reported Friday, underscoring a significant bolstering of American naval power amid heightened tensions with Iran.
The redeployment of the “Ford,” first reported by The New York Times and confirmed by other sources, will extend its mission and place two U.S. carrier strike groups in the region simultaneously. The “Lincoln” has been operating in the Arabian Sea since late January as part of a broader U.S. naval presence aimed at applying pressure on Tehran over its nuclear program and regional activities.
The USS Gerald R. Ford in the Caribbean Sea on January 19, 2026
The USS “Gerald R. Ford” (CVN-78), the lead ship of the Ford-class carriers, is the heaviest warship ever built and represents the cutting edge of U.S. naval capability, with a carrier air wing and advanced systems that far surpass those of earlier carrier classes.
Originally deployed in June 2025 and redirected to the Caribbean last year, the “Ford” sailors had been scheduled to return to their home port in Norfolk, Va., in early March. The redeployment moves that timeline back, with the carrier and its escort ships now expected to remain on station into late April or early May.
On Oct. 8, 2023, the day after the Hamas-led invasion of the northwestern Negev, then-U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin directed the “Gerald R. Ford” carrier strike group to the eastern Mediterranean “to bolster regional deterrence efforts.” Several of its escort ships entered the Red Sea, where they repeatedly intercepted missiles and drones fired by the Houthis in Yemen.
Officials familiar with the current plans said the move reflects President Donald Trump’s renewed pressure campaign against Tehran as indirect U.S.-Iran talks over its nuclear program continue. Earlier this week, Trump hinted that he was considering sending a second aircraft carrier to the region—an indication that military options remain under review. The Pentagon has not issued a formal statement on the redeployment.
For Israel, the presence of two U.S. carrier strike groups in and around the Persian Gulf signals a substantial American show of force at a time when Jerusalem has repeatedly warned that Iran’s advancing nuclear and missile programs pose an existential threat.

The top federal prosecutor in upstate New York was fired by the White House just hours after federal judges appointed him to the post.
It’s the latest tug-of-war between the Trump administration and the judiciary over President Trump’s efforts to install loyalist U.S. attorneys across the country, skirting approval from both the Senate and the courts.
Veteran prosecutor Donald Kinsella was sworn in as U.S. attorney for the Northern District of New York in a private ceremony Wednesday, according to an announcement from the district court.
Later that evening, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche wrote on the social platform X that Kinsella was removed from the role.
“Judges don’t pick U.S. Attorneys, @POTUS does,” Blanche wrote. “See Article II of our Constitution. You are fired, Donald Kinsella.”
Kinsella was appointed to replace John Sarcone III, whose tenure a judge determined “was and is unlawful” because the Justice Department maneuvered to keep him in the role after federal judges declined to extend his term, in violation of statutory procedure. He had no prosecutorial experience before Trump tapped him for U.S. attorney.
Federal courts across the country have rejected Trump’s efforts to keep his preferred prosecutors atop U.S. attorneys’ offices.
Alina Habba, the former U.S. attorney for New Jersey and a onetime personal lawyer to Trump, saw her temporary tenure end in July, and federal judges in the state declined to extend the clock. Instead, they invoked a seldom-used power to appoint her next-in-command to the position.
To keep Habba in the role, Attorney General Pam Bondi fired the judges’ selected successor and gave Habba the title of acting U.S. attorney, alongside the powers that come with it. Habba later resigned after a federal appeals court upheld her disqualification, but she said she would return if a higher court reversed that decision.
The administration has made similar moves in Nevada, California and New Mexico, where the prosecutors were turned from interim to acting U.S. attorneys when judges did not green-light their continued leadership without Senate approval.
In the Eastern District of Virginia, the disqualification of then-U.S. Attorney Lindsey Halligan resulted in the dismissals of the prosecutions of former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James (D) — two of Trump’s foremost foes.
Halligan has left the Justice Department, but her disqualification, and the dismissals, are on appeal.
Kinsella has more than 50 years of experience as a criminal and civil litigator. He was an assistant U.S. attorney in New York for much of the 1990s before being promoted to criminal chief of the Northern District of New York’s prosecuting office. He retired from federal service in 2002.
The Hill sought comment from Kinsella.
From Amarillo to Waco, College Station to Harlingen, Texans are raising concerns over the proliferation of data centers — and the tremendous amounts of water and energy they are poised to suck up.
Seemingly overnight, these sprawling campuses of computer servers meant to store information from websites and power artificial intelligence are popping up all over the state.
Just this month, the largest proposed data center in the U.S. was approved in Pecos County. That follows the start of construction of a $500 billion data center on the outskirts of Abilene and a planned 5,800-acre project in the Texas Panhandle that will include the world’s “largest energy campus,” according to its backers.

Together with more modest proposals near Waco, and just outside of Harlingen, Texas is emerging as a contender to challenge Virginia’s dominance in data centers.
In many of these places, Texans are demanding local elected officials intervene.
The small town of Lacy Lakeview north of Waco is partnering with the developer Infrakey on a proposed $10 billion data center, drawing an organized opposition campaign from rural neighbors around the 520-acre site.
Since November, the opposition has circulated a petition with some 3,000 signatures, created a Facebook group and website and held regular strategy meetings that have been attended by political leaders such as state Rep. Pat Curry, R-Waco.
Rena Schroeder, a Republican candidate for Texas Senate District 22, has also made appearances at the meetings, promoting herself as the voice for rural data center opponents.
Similar grassroots resistance efforts are taking place across the state.
In Harlingen, several residents addressed the City Commission during a public meeting after learning of a developer’s plan to build a data center in their area. They asked their elected officials to oppose the development, citing water and electricity use concerns.
The South Texas city officials said they have no power to intervene since the site is outside city boundaries.
In North Texas, Hood County leaders rejected a proposal to pause data center construction after a state senator threatened legal action.
As public outcry mounts over concerns about water and power usage, mayors and other elected officials claim they are powerless to stop the inevitable. But while city and county officials’ control over data center development may be limited, they have tools available to protect the public from some of the effects of the projects.
The Texas Tribune and Waco Bridge set out to answer some of the thorniest questions about data centers and the role that local elected officials play in where they’re built.
Data centers are facilities that store large-scale computing infrastructure. They store all kinds of digital data.
“Data centers are really the brain of the internet,” said Dan Diorio, vice president of state policy with the Data Center Coalition, an association for members of the data center industry. “Data centers are really a far more efficient way of doing all the computing and processing we need.”
They’ve gained a lot of attention as artificial intelligence has become more prominent in everyday use. But while data centers to power AI are gaining traction, Diorio said the vast majority of data centers built today are for cloud infrastructure — a mix of hardware, software, data storage and other components that allow people to access virtual resources.
Data centers projects tend to come with the promise of jobs and a massive boost to local property taxes. However, those jobs aren’t always long-term.
Infrakey’s $10 billion data center proposal near Waco would be the largest industrial development in McLennan County history, generating $50 million a year in tax revenue for Lacy Lakeview and its 7,000 residents, according to company officials.
“For the city, a tax base of this quantity is a paradigm-changer for us,” Lacy Lakeview Mayor Charles Wilson told the Waco Bridge in November. Wilson has defended the project as the solution to years of underfunding for streets and other city services. Tax base considerations were also central to negotiations with the CyrusOne project northwest of Waco in Bosque County, population 19,000.
That data center, which is already under construction, is projected to increase Bosque County’s tax revenue by 120% or $70 million over the next three decades, according to county officials.
Texas cities statewide are facing tight or deficit budgets. And their ability to raise additional revenue is constrained by state laws, which may become even more restrictive in the next legislative cycle.
That could explain why small and rural municipalities are some of the most ardent boosters of data center development in Texas. And many of the same cities with revenue shortfalls also struggle to create jobs, which data centers have promised to provide, too.
Eneus Energy, the developer of the RGV Data Center Project near Harlingen, is projecting about 1,000 new jobs. Of those, about 360 would be data center jobs, according to the company’s website which does not clarify what the remaining positions would be.
The company also expects more than $14 billion in capital investment in Cameron County and more than $9 billion in total economic impact through 2045.
The projections are based on a study produced by Mangum Economics, a Virginia-based research firm. But Eneus states that the projections “are not guarantees of future outcomes,” according to its website.
The Texas data center market produced 61,060 direct jobs in 2023, and the projects are the main source of construction activity throughout the country, Diorio said.
In one year, from May 2023 to May 2024, data center construction increased by 69% across the U.S., Diorio said.
He added that they also contribute to local tax revenue, contributing $3.5 billion in Texas state and local tax revenues in 2023. Meanwhile, ConstructConnect News, a trade publication for the construction industry, sounded a note of caution in September when it comes to the long-term prospects for data center job creation.
“While massive data centers mean short-term construction jobs and add revenue to local municipal tax rolls, the longer-term employment picture is not as rosy. Completed data centers don’t require a high number of long-term workers,” ConstructConnect reported, citing the 1,500 workers needed to construct Abilene’s Stargate Project data center, and the approximately 100 required to operate it once complete.
“(That’s) a fraction of the number who might work in a similarly sized commercial development like an office park, factory, or warehouse,” the report states.
State tax incentives don’t necessarily encourage high job creation either.
To qualify for state sales tax exemptions, a data center of at least 100,000 square feet is only required to create a minimum of 20 jobs.
Many of the Texans who have shown up to town halls and city council meetings are worried data centers will use up resources such as water and electricity, potentially driving up costs for people in low-income areas.
In College Station, city leaders rejected the sale of property to a data center developer after mounting pressure from residents who raised concerns over water and electricity usage. If the deal had gone through, the developer would have been required to find its own source of electricity to not tap into the city’s power transmission system. It would have had to find its own water source if it planned to use more water than the city had already allocated for that area.
“Even though you may not be drawing on our water or our electricity, you’re drawing on somebody’s water, and somebody’s electricity somewhere,” said Mayor John Nichols. “And that is a thing that we don’t want to see our city participating in.”
In Harlingen, where residents raised similar concerns, the city-owned utility entered an agreement to provide a company with more than 4.6 million gallons a day of reclaimed waste water for a data center. The city of McAllen, with a population of about 150,000, uses an average of 23 million gallons of water per day.
The company states that its use of wastewater will allow it to avoid tapping into the potable water supply.
Tammy Lozano, a Harlingen resident, was among those who addressed the commission over her concern about data centers. Lozano had previously lived in Northern Virginia, an area leading the country in data center development with more than 250 facilities.
From what she’s learned about data centers there, Lozano worries that the few jobs created by the project will not outweigh the potential harm to the community.
“I’m afraid that what’s going to happen is that we’re going to be used by the folks who run these data centers,” Lozano said. “They’ll use us for our water and our energy, not provide jobs, not provide economic stability, and I’m afraid it could literally destroy the town.”
City and county elected officials have told their incensed residents that they have little power to put limits on data centers that are swooping up large parcels of land.
After concerns and questions raised by Harlingen residents, Cameron County Judge Eddie Treviño issued a statement saying that the county would do its research into data centers, but that the county’s authority was limited.
“When a business seeks to invest in Cameron County and complies with all applicable standards, permitting requirements, and resource arrangements that fall outside the Cameron Court’s authority, we have limited ability to restrict that business’s operations,” Treviño said.
In El Paso, where a data center for Meta had prompted opposition, the city’s electric utility said it was required to provide service to any customer that requested it.
But some city officials, like those in College Station and Bryan, are trying to be proactive by considering possible guardrails that the city can implement in case of future data center proposals.
A governmental entity, whether it’s the city or the county, can’t say no, just for the sake of saying no or because it’s controversial, said Trey Wilson, a real estate lawyer from San Antonio with experience in land use law and who served as counsel to water districts in Texas.
Otherwise, the developer could sue the governmental entity for deprivation of private property rights. But within those limitations, there remains a lot of power in local government, he said.
Cities can control what happens within their limits through land use and utility control, while counties have no zoning authority and typically don’t operate utility systems.
City zoning maps determine what categories of uses are allowed in a given area, and if a data center project doesn’t have the needed zoning, it would have to secure a rezoning or variance.
Additionally, cities often control the water and electrical utilities needed for development, as in the case of College Station. Often, a city will require a developer, whether it’s a data center or a housing subdivision, to bring new water supply with them on condition of approval. The same thing applies to electricity usage.
“They don’t have a right to refuse service to a customer, they’ve got to make service available on reasonable terms,” Wilson said. “But if they already are struggling to keep up with existing demand or planned future demand, they have a right to impose conditions for approval on a new heavy water user.”
Existing city ordinances can come into play as well. If a data center creates a nuisance that violates zoning regulations, such as noise or light pollution, a government is not obligated to grant a variance to the developer.
In many instances, data centers are being built and proposed in areas outside city boundaries.
County governments have far fewer tools to regulate data centers — or any business for that matter. But counties do get to decide who gets tax breaks. And if county officials wanted to kill a project, they could refuse to extend favorable terms.
Nicholas Miller, policy associate with the National Conference of State Legislatures, said these companies look at a variety of factors when deciding where to build a data center, including cheap land and cost of construction. But incentives are definitely a factor too.
“They are keenly aware of incentives,” Miller said. “In a state like Texas, where state-level regulation is already set, if you’re just comparing cities or just comparing counties, whether or not a particular city or county is willing to offer an incentive, I think, would be a pretty significant factor.”
Jeff Snowden, principal at Capex Consulting Group, a Frisco-based financial consultancy specializing in tax abatement negotiations, said he was not aware of any data center projects that went through without an abatement, an indication of how important they are in a developer’s decision of where to locate.
Snowden said counties can also impose restrictions on county road usage, and they have permitting authority over on-site sewage facilities such as septic systems. But aside from that, any other safeguard a county could impose would have to be through a tax abatement agreement with the developer.
Bosque County in rural Central Texas recently contracted Capex Consulting to negotiate a tax abatement with data center developer CyrusOne. The abatement for the 400 megawatt facility along the Brazos River included a condition to repair and rebuild roads damaged during construction, which was approved by Bosque County officials in November 2024. The agreement also included a “buy local” provision for local manufacturers, suppliers and labor, and required CyrusOne meet employment and economic impact goals to retain the tax incentives.
A well-structured agreement can embed noise and light reduction, setback requirements, vegetative screening and more into the performance metrics, Snowden said.
“That’s where the counties can really work with constituents and impose those restrictions,” he said.
Through last year, state leaders, including Gov. Greg Abbott, had forged ahead with a vision of Texas as the country’s leader in data center development, leveraging the state’s reputation for abundant gas supply and business-friendly regulations to attract billions in investment. At the same time, Republican leaders have taken steps to limit the power of local governments to enact rules in the interest of their residents.
That said, the state has taken belated steps to account for the rapid spread of data centers and other large, energy-intensive facilities. In 2025, the Texas Legislature passed a bill establishing requirements for companies that consume large amounts of electricity to run, such as industrial and petrochemical facilities and data centers.
Through Senate Bill 6, the Electric Reliability Council of Texas has the power to oversee energy transactions between power generators and large consumers like data centers that didn’t ordinarily involve the state’s grid. ERCOT also has the authority to cut their power and redistribute it during an emergency.
In parts of Texas where electricity comes predominantly from a single source, such as a municipal utility or an electric cooperative, companies interested in that power are expected to pay for the cost of that connection.
As Texas voters increasingly demand action on data centers leading into the March primary elections, the political momentum around regulating the industry has accelerated.
In February, the State Republican Executive Committee, which sets party priorities for the next legislative cycle, passed a near-unanimous resolution calling for “rigorous independent assessments” of proposed data center projects and their impact on grid reliability and water shortages before final approval. The resolution additionally called for a pause on “open loop” data centers, which use the most water to cool computer chips, as well as several other oversight and local control measures.
Republican Texas Senate District 22 candidate Rena Schroeder has made opposition to data centers the centerpiece of her campaign, while Schroeder’s Republican primary opponents – state Rep. David Cook and Jon Gimble – have embraced a more moderate but still critical stance on the industry.
Texas Senate District 22 encompasses several counties in Central Texas, including McLennan, Bosque and Hill Counties, each with contentious data center developments planned or under construction. On Wednesday, Cook’s campaign announced his commitment “to filing comprehensive legislation addressing data center development.”
Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller also wants to protect farmland from being converted into data center sites by creating federal or state-designated Agriculture Freedom Zones that would offer tax incentives for data center developers to build elsewhere.
“The unchecked spread of data centers onto prime farm and ranchland is a real and growing threat to our food supply,” Miller said in a news release. “But America also needs data, innovation, and technology infrastructure to stay competitive. America will continue to lead the world in both agricultural production and technology innovation, but only if we do it the right way.”
Wilson, the real estate lawyer, said counties could adopt a similar strategy at the local level for future projects.
“A county could look at imposing those types of requirements too — to only allow these types of projects in certain corridors,” Wilson said.
This article was co-reported with The Waco Bridge, a new local newsroom serving the Waco-area.
In the wake of the 2022 school shooting in Uvalde, U.S. Sen. John Cornyn made a risky decision for a Republican anywhere, but especially in Texas.
Moved by the deaths of 19 young school children, Cornyn helped shepherd the nation’s first major legislation on gun safety in decades that sought, among other goals, to enhance background checks for young gun buyers and crack down on illegal gun purchases.
The criticism was immediate.
In short order, the Texas GOP formally rebuked Cornyn, President Donald Trump called him a “RINO,” gun rights groups demanded he apologize for calling party delegates who booed him a “mob” — and the most consequential gun-related legislation the nation has passed in a generation became attached to Cornyn’s legacy.
Now critics are turning up the heat on Cornyn as he faces two primary challengers in what is shaping up to be the fight of his career. They accuse Cornyn of capitulating to Democrats’ gun control demands and turning his back on gun owners — even though the bill largely did not restrict gun owner’s existing rights and was supported by a host of law enforcement groups.
The bill made it easier to remove guns from people threatening to kill themselves or others, as well as people who have committed domestic violence; clarified who needed to register as a federal firearms dealer; and earmarked $11 billion for mental health services and another $2 billion for community-based antiviolence programs.
“This is an issue that divides much of the country, depending on where you live, and maybe divides people living in the same household,” the state’s senior senator said when the bill advanced out of the Senate. “But I think we have found some areas where there’s space for compromise and we’ve also found that there are some red lines and no middle ground.”
Regardless, Second Amendment loyalists, including his two challengers, say Cornyn betrayed them.
“This is not about partisan games — it’s about principle,” said Chris McNutt, the leader of Texas Gun Rights, when he delivered a letter to the White House urging Trump not to endorse Cornyn. “Texas gun owners remember who wrote the blueprint for Biden’s gun control agenda, and we won’t stand idly by while the architect asks for our vote.”
The issue gets at the “heart of what the liability is overall for Cornyn” — he’s a long-serving senator who has grown into his role by being able to work legislation, said Joshua Blank of the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas-Austin.
“It gets at the concern that some of the most conservative voters have about Cornyn, which is that he’s too much a creature of the institution,” Blank said. “He’s too willing to compromise.”
In his campaign, Cornyn has aimed to focus on the mental health and schools funding in the legacy legislation, while stressing his own career bonafides fighting gun control. “The bill hardened schools to protect our children and invested the most money in American history for mental health services,” Cornyn campaign senior adviser Matt Mackowiak said in an email. “Sen. Cornyn has consistently received an A+ rating from the NRA and the National Sports Shooting Association, and he has been a strong supporter of the Second Amendment his entire career which will not change.”
Attorney General Ken Paxton has repeatedly blasted Cornyn as an “anti-gun establishment politician” for working with Democrats to get the bipartisan package to the desk of former President Joe Biden, who swiftly signed it into law.
Similarly U.S. Rep. Wesley Hunt of Houston has alleged Cornyn “sold Texans out.”
“There’s no rewriting Sen. Cornyn’s record on the Second Amendment,” Hunt’s campaign said in a statement. “You can’t strip the rights of law-abiding citizens and call it ‘progress.’ Texans know better. And you don’t have to take my word for it, just look at President Trump’s reaction to Cornyn’s hallmark gun-control deal.”
Trump at the time of Senate negotiations said the proposed legislation “will go down in history as the first step in the movement to TAKE YOUR GUNS AWAY.” He warned, “Republicans, be careful what you wish for!!!”
The president, whose endorsements have grown ever more influential, has yet to lend his formal backing to any of the three Republicans running for senate. He is close with all three and has repeatedly skirted making an endorsement. But there is no evidence there’s any lingering animosity between Trump and Cornyn.
While it was a risk for Cornyn to be the main negotiator, in a lot of ways he was the most-qualified candidate for the job. He had the then-leader’s confidence and ability to get members of his own party on board, carried by the respect he received as a former Senate majority whip. He’s also stood in the way of some Democratic-backed gun proposals in the past, while cautiously embracing ideas he thought could solve a problem — all while holding onto a top rating from the National Rifle Association.
One of those instances occurred in 2018, following another mass shooting in Texas, when he helped pass legislation to strengthen the national background check system for gun purchases and called the accomplishment “near the top, if not the top” of his Senate achievements.
Although the 2018 bill opens another line of criticism, Cornyn has said that it could help prevent another shooting like the one in Sutherland Springs, where a gunman killed 26 people and wounded 22 others at a church.
Texas GOP primary voters have consistently ranked gun rights as a top issue, and the state Legislature has repeatedly expanded access to guns — even as the state experienced a spate of mass shootings like the one in Uvalde that inspired Cornyn to collaborate with Democrats.
In that shooting, a teenage gunman in 2022 used a semiautomatic rifle he purchased legally days after turning 18 years old. Investigations into the shooting later revealed he had asked adults in his life to buy him one before he could, to no avail. Cornyn’s gun bill would not have prevented that shooter from buying a firearm.
Still, the bill had fans in some law enforcement officials and prosecutors who praised one of its key components. The law created the first federal violations specifically for unlawful trafficking and straw purchasing of firearms, or buying guns on behalf of someone who cannot.
Federal prosecutors for years have tried to dam the iron river of firepower flowing from Texas cities into Mexico, where guns are largely illegal but drug cartels have amassed armories of powerful guns sold in America. But prosecutors had few laws with which to prosecute offenders.
In the last three years, the straw purchasing statutes have been used to thwart a number of big gun buys, including hundreds of semiautomatic rifles like the one used by the Uvalde gunman and .50 caliber rifles, whose armor-piercing ammunitions were once used by a cartel to shoot down a Mexican military helicopter.
In the first year of the new laws being in effect alone, The U.S. Department of Justice charged 140 people for violating the statutes.
By Bob Walsh