When it comes to the reason why Washington
has taken action against Iran’s terrorist regime, who are you going to
believe? President Donald Trump—the man who ordered the strikes—or
California Gov. Gavin Newsom, the writers at The New York Times, and media personalities Tucker Carlson and Megyn Kelly?
Liberal and leftist publications, pundits
and politicians have joined with far-right podcasters to oppose Trump on
military strikes on Iran, which the president hopes will lead to the
collapse of the regime’s Islamist government. In fact, they disagree on a
lot. What they do seem to agree on is that the effort to put an end to
Iran’s nuclear and missile programs, and its sponsorship of
international terrorism, is a bad idea. More than that, they agree that
the primary culprit for these actions is the State of Israel, which they
say dragged Trump into starting a war for its own interests and not
those of the United States.
Trump declares his
motivation
Trump is having none of it. He’s been explicit
in declaring that it wasn’t the Israelis who pushed him into making his
decision. At the White House, the president explained this week that
the attempt to portray him as the catspaw of the Israelis was simply
wrong.
“We were having negotiations with these
lunatics, and it was my opinion that they were going to attack first,”
Trump said. “They were going to attack if we didn’t do it. They were
going to attack first. I felt strongly about that. If anything, I might
have forced Israel’s hand, but Israel was ready, and we were ready.”
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and
U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth agree. The Islamic government and its
mullahs have been quite explicit about the fact that they are waging a
religious war against both the “great Satan” of the United States and
the “little Satan” of Israel for 47 years.
Nevertheless, opponents of various stripes
insist that Trump is being pushed around by Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu.
By accusing Israel of strong-arming Trump
into doing something that costs American lives and doesn’t make the
United States safer, critics of Washington and Jerusalem have initiated
charges going far beyond those of ordinary debate about foreign policy.
Of course, like any decision a president
makes, the current military action is fair game for debate. So, too, are
Israeli policy choices.
Scapegoating Israel
But scapegoating Israel, and by extension,
its Jewish supporters, in this particular way is redolent of
traditional antisemitic tropes about Jews of dual loyalty, buying
political power in the halls of Washington, D.C., and exercising other
nefarious behind-the-scenes influence. Indeed, it is difficult, if not
impossible, to separate such wild distortions about the truth of the
U.S.-Israel alliance and threat to both countries from Iran, and the
equally inflammatory blood libels hurled at the Jewish state since Oct.
7, 2023. Those include accusations that Israel is committing “genocide”
against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip or is an “apartheid” state, which
have fueled a surge of antisemitism around the globe.
The particular motivations of those
beating the drum for blaming Israel may differ, though all seem
motivated by a mix of ideology and personal ambition.
The base of the Democratic Party has
embraced toxic left-wing ideas like critical race theory,
intersectionality and settler-colonialism that label Israel and Jews as
“white” oppressors over people of color, who are the oppressed. They
want to use opposition to the war to defeat Republicans in the midterm
elections this November. Newsom, who understands that he is viewed as
too centrist by many of his party’s primary voters, is aiming for the
Democratic presidential nomination in 2028 by tilting to the left and
smearing Israel with the “apartheid” libel.
On the right, Carlson
wants to seize control of the GOP from Trump as part of an isolationist
and antisemitic paleo-conservative movement that may not have very much
support among party activists and officeholders, but has a broad
audience on social media and the internet.
By framing the debate about Trump’s
decision as one of Jerusalem pushing Washington into fighting a war
adverse to America’s interests, liberal politicians like Newsom and
far-right hatemongers such as Carlson aren’t just critiquing Trump. By
choosing this particular angle to oppose administration policy, they are
seeking to exploit the surge of anti-Zionism and openly antisemitic
invective spreading throughout U.S. public discourse since the Hamas-led
Palestinian Arab terror attacks on Israel on Oct. 7.
It is entirely true that Netanyahu has
long advocated for the West to take action against Tehran, repeatedly
warning of the threat that its nuclear ambitions pose to the world.
Indeed, there is a cross-party consensus on the issue within the State
of Israel, as the overwhelming majority of its citizens understand that
the Islamist regime is bent on the destruction of their country as a
first step toward the imposition of Islam on the West. A poll conducted
by the left-leaning Israel Democracy Institute published this week showed that fully 93% of Jewish Israelis support the airstrikes taking place right now.
Yet the notion that the United States had
to be manipulated by its small ally into taking this step is a
pernicious myth. While Americans may debate the timing of the military
campaign—with polls
showing that Republicans support the president’s decision, and most
Democrats and independents opposing it—the need to stop Iran from
getting a nuclear weapon and opposing its exporting of violence has been
a position held by every American president in the 21st century.
Taking Rubio out of
context
Trump’s opponents jumped on a statement lifted out of remarks
uttered by Rubio that made it seem as if joining the attacks happened
because the Israelis had decided to go in anyway, and Washington feared
Iranian retaliation and chose not to wait to be hit.
Taken out of context, that bolstered the
claim that the joint effort was primarily Israel’s doing. In the same
statement, however, Rubio had made it clear that the primary reason for
the initiation of the strikes on Iran was that its nuclear program and
missile production is a threat to “the safety and security of the
world,” and not only to Israel. What’s more, the timing of the decision
was as much a sober evaluation of the futility of trying to expect a
rational self-interested policy from a clerical regime that refuses to
“make geopolitical decisions; they make decisions on the basis of
theology—their view of theology, which is an apocalyptic one.”
What those harping on Israel’s role in
this drama also forget is that Iran has become a key ally of America’s
chief geostrategic foe: China. Beijing has kept the Iranian regime
afloat when Western sanctions threatened to bring Tehran to its knees by
cutting it off from the global economy. China buys up to 90% of Iran’s oil,
which consists of as much as 13% of its oil imports, playing a crucial
role in its ability to compete with the West while also undermining
efforts to force the Islamist regime to give up its nuclear ambitions
and terrorism.
The Iranians are also a strategic partner of Russia, another ally of China. The drones they supply to
Moscow have been a key factor in allowing it to continue its war
against Ukraine, which Trump has tried in vain to end via negotiations.
Still, nothing Trump or Rubio can say is
stopping the groundswell of incitement coming from the left and the
right that pins the responsibility for the conflict on the Jewish state.
Antisemitic
conspiracy-mongering
The Times constructed a narrative
in an article published two days after the latest chapter in the long
struggle between the United States and Iran’s government, in which
Netanyahu plays the featured role of instigator of the conflict. That
dovetails with the claims aired by former Fox News personalities
Carlson and Kelly on their popular programs, not to mention what was
being said by even more extreme figures like podcaster Candace Owens and
neo-Nazi groyper Nick Fuentes.
In an effort to make the current fighting
sound like a rerun of the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq ordered by
President George W. Bush, Carlson said the decision to strike Iran was
based on “lies,” and that “this happened because Israel wanted it to
happen. This is Israel’s war. This is not the United States’ war.” Going
further—and doubling down on antisemitic tropes about Jewish
manipulation of America—he falsely claimed that the Islamic Republic’s
attacks on Arab countries in the region were actually the nefarious work
of Mossad agents.
Kelly, who has abandoned her stance as a
mainstream figure to appeal to a more extreme audience that clicks on
content related to attacks on Jews and Israel, agreed. She said that any
U.S. servicemen who were killed in the conflict were “dying for
Israel,” not America.
They were, of course, outdone by the
increasingly unhinged Owens, who said the war was enabled by a mythical
Israeli assassination of Turning Point USA leader Charlie Kirk last
September. Fuentes said Trump’s decision was further evidence that
“organized Jewry” runs the country. “The United States is Israel’s
bitch,” he said. “We all know that Israel is the boss, that Israel
controls our country. Now you know it for a fact.” He concluded his rant
by advising his audience to vote for the Democrats in the midterm
elections.
While most Democrats weren’t echoing their
antisemitic talking points, they, too, were declaring that the war was
not merely illegal or wrong, but also linked to Israel. Newsom wasn’t
the only one blaming it on Netanyahu. And it isn’t an accident that this
comes at a time when growing numbers of members of the Democratic
congressional caucus are refusing to accept donations from pro-Israel
sources and attacking the AIPAC lobby. Indeed, Sen. Chris Van Hollen
(D-Md.) denounced AIPAC this week at the left-wing J Street conference
as “anti-American” for advocating for the U.S.-Israel alliance and
pushing for action on Iran.
American national
interests
All of the incitement against Israel and
its supporters ignores the basic fact that every American president,
including both Democrats and Republicans, for the past quarter-century
has made it clear that preventing a nuclear Iran was a key national
security goal. The only differences between them have been about how to
stop them. Presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden thought appeasement
would work. But rather than preventing Iran from getting a weapon, with
its sunset clauses, the 2015 nuclear pact would have guaranteed that they would eventually get one.
Trump has tried negotiating with Tehran,
but rather than seeing an agreement, however weak and ineffectual, as a
goal in and of itself, he believed that if a deal didn’t end its nuclear
program (the objective that Obama promised in his 2012 foreign-policy
debate with presidential opponent Mitt Romney), it was worthless. And
instead of allowing the mullahs to prevaricate and delay until they got
their way, he was prepared to act to stop them before it was too late.
Though his decision to strike now brings
risks, the cost of continuing to wait would be far higher. Stripping the
regime of its ability to inflict mayhem in the region via its own
military might and its terrorist auxiliaries isn’t just in America’s
interests. Doing so now to prevent the mullahs and their minions from
using more time to build up their missile program and/or potentially
race to a nuclear weapon with whatever material was left after last
summer’s 12-day Israeli-American bombing campaign was an imperative.
That doing so helps Israel is not in
question. Iran’s leaders have explicitly said they consider a genocidal
effort to destroy the Jewish state—calling it a “one-bomb country”—would
be worth it, even if it meant catastrophic retaliation from Jerusalem
or other parts of the world.
Preventing such a catastrophe (and
understanding that Israel is far from the only intended target of
Iranian nuclear weapons and missiles) isn’t solely in the interest of
the Jewish state. If Iran can achieve its objective of mass murder in
Israel, it can do the same with allied Arab countries and those in the
West.
At best, that would mean nuclear blackmail
being conducted by religious fanatics, furthering the efforts of China
and Russia to undermine the West.
At worst, it would present the possibility of nuclear war involving the entire world.
This goes beyond the fact that the
alliance with Israel is not merely consonant with American societal
norms rooted in the Western tradition, faith and common democratic
values. It is also a function of American national interests. The United
States never treated Israel as a strategic ally until after its victory
in the Six Day-War in June 1967, when it proved it could be an asset to
the West rather than a liability. And it wouldn’t be acting in close
cooperation with the Israeli military against a common foe unless doing
so was in defense of shared strategic interests.
It doesn’t require pressure from Israel or some sort of nefarious plot straight out of the antisemitic forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion
to convince Americans to take the Iranian threat seriously. Only an
American leader who cared nothing about defending his nation’s security
interests or preventing a jihadist regime from dominating the Middle
East and threatening Europe and Asia would ignore such a threat.
But for leftists and right-wing
antisemites who hate Israel, as well as those like Carlson, who clearly
seem to be under the influence of the Islamist regime in Qatar, the fact
that Iran seeks the elimination of the one Jewish state on the planet
seems to be an argument in favor of either appeasing or actively aiding
them.
You don’t have to be an antisemite to
embrace the notion that presidents ought to wait for congressional
approval for the use of military force. But no president—and that
includes Democrats like Bill Clinton, Obama or Biden—has hesitated to
act without a Declaration of War or a direct authorization from Capitol
Hill when they believed it to be in America’s best interest, as Trump
has done now. Advocates for appeasement of Iran can also cling to the
belief in that approach even though doing so has only enriched and
empowered a dangerous regime to launch wars, spread terror and move
closer to its nuclear goal.
But those who embrace a narrative that
efforts to stop Iran can only be the result of an underhanded Israeli
plot or Jewish efforts to bribe Congress and the executive branch to
ignore American interests and fight an unnecessary “war of choice” are
doing something else. They aren’t just distorting the truth about the
alliance between the two countries, which is both close and mutually
beneficial. They are crossing the line between a rational debate about a
crucial policy choice and one that is inextricably linked to
traditional tropes of Jew-hatred.