Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his family packed their bags Monday night for their vacation on the Golan Heights.
The police also made their routine
preparations. They set up a water cannon outside the hotel where the
Netanyahus are staying to prevent leftist rioters from getting near the
premier and his family.
On the face of things, the left’s
insurrectionists are as strong as ever. They have unlimited funds to
spend on their activities. They are guided by Israel’s most talented PR
executives. They receive wall-to-wall support from 95% of Israeli media
outlets. And, acting on orders from Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara,
the police are prohibited from enforcing the law against them.
The insurgents’ current target is religious Judaism and religious Jews.
On Sunday night, a group of leftist male
bullies stormed a movie screening for ultra-Orthodox girls and women in
Jerusalem to block them from watching a film without males in the room.
Haaretz reporter Yael Freidson
cheered them on, writing on X/Twitter, “Neighborhood men appeared at a
[film] screening that was organized for women and girls, and prevented
the same-sex event from taking place. For those who didn’t understand
from the events of recent weeks, the contract has been reopened.”
Freidson’s allusion to “the contract”
relates to Israel’s social contract, which permits autonomy and use of
public spaces for various religious and social sectors in Israel’s
multicultural society. The leftist insurrection now demands that freedom
of access be blocked for people who aren’t like them.
Freidson’s mention of “the contract” was
also an allusion to a new political party. In August, the heads of
Brothers in Arms, the insurgency’s habitually violent paramilitary
force, formed a political party called “New Contract.” It will run
candidates in the municipal elections scheduled for Oct. 31. The goal is
to win enough seats on municipal councils to prevent mayors from
forming governing coalitions or otherwise cooperating with religious
parties and Likud.
Public spaces
By making mayors dependent on Brothers in
Arms and their shock forces-turned-city-councilmen, the hard leftists
are certain they will be able to prevent the practice of traditional
Judaism and ban traditional Jewish lifestyles from public spaces.
They may be right. To date, no liberal or
leftist politician has given Brothers in Arms and its comrades from the
Kaplan Brigades and the left’s other anti-government groups a reason to
fear failure. When Brothers in Arms and its comrades rioted at Yom
Kippur services in central and northern Tel Aviv, in Givatayim, Rishon
Letzion, Zichron Yaakov and Haifa last week, no center-left or leftist
politicians condemned them.
On the contrary, most leftist politicians
supported the rioters and condemned the Jews who were trying to pray
publically. Opposition leader Yair Lapid’s underling Orna Barbivai, who
recently left the Knesset to fun for the Tel Aviv mayor, said in a radio
interview last Wednesday that if she is elected, Orthodox Jewish
outreach will be banned from the public square, and that anyone who
doesn’t get with the program will be shown the door.
“I think that every resident of Tel Aviv
needs to be asked what happened that in the base of liberalism, there is
such a large group of Torah communities that managed to root themselves
and come in from outside with agendas.”
If she is elected mayor, Barbivai pledged,
“Anyone who doesn’t abide by the standards that I as a liberal mayor
will lead—won’t be here.”
With that kind of support, and with an endless pile of cash to spend, what could go wrong for the insurgency?
It works out that plenty can—and has—gone
wrong. In the past two weeks, Brothers in Arms and its ilk have lost the
center. Thanks to the media’s mobilization on their behalf, for months
the post-Zionist radicals leading and funding the left’s insurgency were
able to hide their anti-Israel agendas from the center-left and the
soft center-right. But over the past two weeks, their mask came off.
This is the case for two reasons. First, they overreached.
Their efforts to discredit and demonize
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during his trip to the U.S.
two weeks ago backfired.
The leftist insurgents intended to
leverage the Biden administration’s hostility toward Israel to undermine
Netanyahu’s trip and discredit his leadership, in order to demoralize
Netanyahu’s domestic and U.S. supporters and bring about the collapse of
his government. Rather than feel demoralized, though, the Israeli
public was appalled by the left’s efforts and voiced its revulsion to
pollsters.
On the other hand, Netanyahu’s successful
meeting with Elon Musk in Silicon Valley and his apparently coordinated
presentation of the Saudi-Israeli normalization efforts with Crown
Prince Mohammed bin Salman prevented Israel’s detractors in the Biden
administration from using Netanyahu’s meeting with President Joe Biden
as a means to diminish and discredit Israel’s leader. Indeed,
Netanyahu’s triumph in the U.S. showed that he is Israel’s greatest
statesman and a credit to Israel’s democratic system.
Then came Yom Kippur. The likes of the
insurgency’s Svengali—former prime minister and failed Knesset candidate
Ehud Barak—and Brothers in Arms members have been fairly open about
what they seek to accomplish.
They want to reduce the Jewish character
of Israel to the level of a kitschy accessory for the otherwise
progressive, globalist plutocracy where they, as the enlightened elite,
will hold all the reins of power. Their sword is intimidation. Their
shield is the self-selected judicial oligarchy that shares their
post-Zionist intuitions and holds unlimited powers.
All the same, the depth of their hostility
toward actual Judaism and the Jewish character of the State of Israel
was largely hidden behind the ocean of Israeli flags that their
billionaire financiers have armed them with, in a fairly successful
effort to appropriate patriotism to their side.
That all ended on Yom Kippur when members
of Brothers in Arms, the Kaplan Force and the left’s other paramilitary
groups used force and intimidation to ruin and break up public prayers
on the holiest day in the Jewish calendar in central and northern Tel
Aviv, and in other liberal cities around central and northern Israel.
Although the media tried to present the
events as a fight between two warring factions—the leftists working to
protect the liberal character of their cities from far-right
provocateurs, rather than real worshippers—no one was buying it. One
clip that immediately went viral told the tale.
‘You people!’
A young Mizrahi Jewish man at the prayers
at Dizengoff Square in Tel Aviv, surrounded by Ashkenazic rioters
screaming at him about “You people,” lost patience and shot back.
“I’m [at the demonstrations] at Kaplan
Street every Saturday. I’m a secular, high-tech worker! I live here in
Tel Aviv. So who is ‘You people’? When you say, ‘You people,’ who are
you referring to? Is it the color of my skin? Is it my kippah? Who is ‘You people’!?
“Please explain to me, ‘Mr. Enlightened
Left,’ who is ‘You people’! Because I’m at Kaplan, every Saturday,
fighting for my democracy! And one day of the year, when I decide to put
on a kippah, suddenly, I’m ‘You people’?!”
That young man was far from alone. A lot
of the people who were blocked from praying had until then identified
with the anti-government protesters. But after Yom Kippur, they realized
that the protests aren’t about the balance of powers. They are about
the nature of the Jewish state. The people they thought were on their
side are actually using them to advance an anti-Jewish agenda they
hadn’t signed on for.
For nearly a year, the leftist minority,
which lost the elections, has been presenting itself as the majority.
Barak, whose Meretz Party didn’t even get elected to Knesset, has felt
comfortable referring to himself as “We the people” because, for the
past year, the media has backed his absurd claim while castigating the
democratically-elected government’s effort to democratically pass the
judicial reform agenda it ran on as “a regime change” and a “coup
d’état.”
Barak and his lieutenants have organized
groups of pilots and commandoes from elite IDF special forces units.
They have mobilized the far-left physicians’ union, the universities,
Israel’s business and banking elite, high-tech investors and workers,
and other elite groups to present an image that all right-thinking
members of Israel’s ruling class oppose the government and view it as
illegitimate.
And the majority, for the most part, was intimidated by the onslaught.
No longer intimidated
But in recent weeks, the majority stopped
being intimidated. Spearheaded by Shai Kallach, a peripatetic former IDF
combat pilot, over the past several months, and at a much higher
velocity, over the past several weeks, pilots, academics, physicians and
business people have begun to stand up against Israel’s rebellious,
hate-filled and deep-pocketed leftist elites.
Kallach entered the scene earlier this
year in the first wave of Brothers in Arms’ campaign to tear apart the
IDF by encouraging pilots and other elite combat operatives to refuse to
serve in the reserves under the Netanyahu government. Kallach mobilized
the flight mechanics against the rebellious pilots and so exposed the
condescending elitism of Israel’s rebellious left.
Since then, Kallach organized a hundred pilots—retired and in active reserves—who have begun speaking out.
Immediately after Brothers in Arms’ poster
girl, former helicopter pilot Shira Eting, falsely accused the
government and the IDF of sending pilots on missions to “shoot bombs and
missiles into houses knowing they might be killing children,” on CBS’s “60 Minutes,” Kallach and his comrades released a video excoriating her and the Brothers in Arms group.
Legendary fighter pilots appeared one
after another to condemn her lies and restore the term “Brothers in
Arms,” to warriors who serve the State of Israel unconditionally.
Kallach ended the video with a question addressed to “Brothers in Arms”:
“If you’re our brothers in arms, why are you pointing your weapons at
us?”
Kallach raised funds to put a massive
billboard on the side of a building facing the Ayalon Highway in Tel
Aviv, which repeats the question against the backdrop of Eting and her
comrades’ sitdown with “60 Minutes.”
The left, for the first time, has been
caught flat-footed. They are being beaten at their own game—because they
aren’t the majority and the majority is no longer intimidated. It is
repulsed.
Kallach formed a new movement called
Netzach Israel (“Eternal Israel”), as an umbrella group to mobilize
Israel’s silent majority. Aside from the pilots, Netzach Israel has
organized hundreds of academics, businesspeople, doctors and others to
stand up to the insurgents besmirching Israel’s good name, its society
and its Jewish character at home and abroad. The ground is shifting,
quickly, and the leaders of the insurgency are feeling it.
With limitless funds and media support, it
is likely that the riots will go on, perhaps for years. But the left’s
mask of patriotism and liberalism has shattered.
And the majority—that actual “We the People”—is finally finding its voice, and using it.
1 comment:
It must be a hard line to walk. That being said, fighting inside your own house when your house is on fire is not smart. (I learned that from watching Star Trek.)
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