Hezbollah’s disturbing escalation on the Lebanese-Israeli border in
recent weeks and months reflects a simple truth: Israel has allowed
itself to be deterred by its northern adversary.
To disguise this sobering fact, laundered words like “containment”
are thrown around to justify Israel’s lack of response to these
provocations.
Years ago, Israel’s defense establishment spoke of decisive victory
as the goal when dealing with enemies. This was eventually phased out in
favor of “deterrence.” Now the talk is of containment.
There is no doubt that Israel does not want to be dragged into a war
with Hezbollah. The terror group knows that this is Israel’s position,
and calculates the risks it is willing to take accordingly.
While Israel is proactive in defending its security interests in
Syria and even in Iran, as well as at sea, Israel simply does not dare
to attack Lebanon. Even when earlier this year a Hezbollah terrorist
infiltrated Israel and made it to Megiddo Junction in Israel’s north,
where he planted an IED on a highway, Israel did not respond.
That terrorist could have reached Tel Aviv. No one knew of his
existence until his bomb detonated, seriously injuring an Arab-Israeli
driver. The driver’s injuries were tragic, but the attack could have
ended in dozens of casualties.
Then, on Passover eve in April, a barrage of rockets was fired into
Israel. The dominant narrative was that it was Palestinians who fired
them, not Hezbollah. We convinced ourselves that this was the case and
returned fire on an open field.
Now Israel is dealing with a Hezbollah tent planted on Israeli
territory that houses armed operatives. This has become a strategic
matter. In recent days, a Lebanese parliament member and eight others
infiltrated Israel from Lebanon.
Nevertheless, Israel is in containment mode. This means that it doesn’t want to do anything.
If the recent comments made by opposition figure and Yisrael Beiteinu Party leader Avigdor Liberman are to be believed, the IDF has told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that Israel’s failure to respond properly to these events is eroding its deterrence—if it even existed in the first place.
Containment is merely a tactical matter and a bigger issue is at
play. Israel does not feel it can respond forcefully against Hezbollah
due to the risks posed by war with it—namely thousands of rockets a day
fired at the Israeli home front. Hezbollah’s arsenal includes 500
precise projectiles capable of striking every location in Israel.
Northern Israel, meanwhile, faces the scenario of evacuating tens of
thousands of civilians who have nowhere to go. There is no
organizational plan in place for this.
As a result, the concern is that in the event of a Third Lebanon War,
the Israeli government will not be able to implement its military and
civilian directives. This includes infrastructure. In particular,
Israel’s offshore gas rigs may have to be shut down.
Meanwhile, factions in the Israeli-Arab sector could direct large numbers of firearms at fellow citizens. The unrest that took place during the May 2021 Operation Guardian of the Walls could be a sneak peek at what a future war might look like.
Hence, Israel seeks to avoid war. Needless to say, there is an
Israeli military in this equation that is far more powerful than it was
during the 2006 Second Lebanon War. But when we compare the ability of
Israel to absorb losses and damage to that of Hezbollah, the conclusion
that emerges is problematic: Israel, it seems, is more deterred than the terror group.
All of this raises the question of the feasibility of a preemptive Israeli strike on Hezbollah.
Due to the risks posed to the Israeli home front, which could sustain
thousands of casualties (including injured) and tens of thousands of
homes hit by projectiles, with dysfunctional emergency service responses
and civilian services severely affected, the option of a preemptive
strike must be examined.
Such a strike could significantly decrease the damage sustained by
Israel in a future war with Hezbollah. Furthermore, if Israel strikes
Iran’s nuclear program, it is clear that Hezbollah would retaliate,
leaving Israel in conflict on at least two fronts.
Fighter jets would have to deal with Iran and Lebanon, and this
raises the question of whether it might not be better to first decrease
Hezbollah’s capabilities, allowing Israel to focus on Iran.
Should we wait for Hezbollah to take the initiative or do we take the
first step after we define what an Israeli red line looks like?
Either way, it is only a matter of time before the next escalation
occurs. Hezbollah won’t be able to keep stepping on Israel’s toes as it
has been doing since the summer of 2022 when it threatened Israeli offshore gas rigs. Nor can it do so now when it issues new border demands and fires an anti-tank missile at an IDF patrol.
Israel can’t keep hiding under the apron of inaction.
The question is whether the IDF should wait for Hezbollah to escalate
or seize on a future Hezbollah provocation at a time when Israel is
prepared to attack and deal with the consequences.
In answering this question, one can’t ignore Israel’s current unprecedented domestic crisis.
Improved social cohesion will be a necessary condition for choosing
the timing of a potential preemptive strike on Hezbollah. If Israel
chooses this path, it must launch a strong response to any future
Hezbollah attack. If Hezbollah escalates further, Israel will have no
choice but to go to war.
But this time, Israel would act from an improved position due to the
preemptive strike, better preparations on the home front and no domestic
political crisis threatening the ability of Israeli Air Force
reservists to serve.
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