50 shades of ‘Don’t’
Apparently, the White House defines “having Israel’s back” as turning its back on the Jewish state—when not stabbing it in the back, that is.
By Ruthie Blum
JNS
Oct 10, 2024
Given the increasingly shrill admonitions emanating from Washington, it’s not that difficult to imagine the content of Wednesday’s conversation between U.S. President Joe Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
What makes it even easier to decipher is the White House’s readout of the call—and the fact that the sole reference to it on the part of the powers-that-be in Jerusalem is a photo of Netanyahu, flanked by advisers, talking to Biden with the phone on speaker.
The backdrop for the discussion, which was joined by Vice President and Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris, was the announcement of an imminent visit to D.C. by Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant. The purpose of Gallant’s junket was to meet with his counterpart, U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin.
Netanyahu nixed the trip, which—according to the Defense Department spokeswoman—was initiated by Gallant, not Austin. The Hebrew press reported that Netanyahu wouldn’t agree to the junket until after he was able to speak to Biden.
Whether the rumors are accurate or not, a few things are certain. One is that, on several occasions, Gallant has attempted to undermine the Cabinet’s war strategy, while not hiding his personal and political beefs with Netanyahu—despite being a member of the Likud Party chaired by the latter.
Another is that the Biden administration has been trying to pit Gallant and leaders of the Israeli opposition against the ruling coalition that they consider too far on the right. The collusion to topple the Netanyahu-led government since its instatement at the end of 2022 is an open secret.
At the time, well before the Oct. 7, 2023, massacre, Biden’s response was to snub his “old friend” Bibi. None of his boasting about being the first American president to come to Israel during a war, which he did less than two weeks after it was launched, can obfuscate that travesty.
A third indisputable issue is that though Gallant has begun to make genuinely staunch statements about the Israel Defense Forces’ need and intention to deal a devastating blow to Iran, he’s spent most of the war seeking diplomatic solutions to military problems.
Had his Biden-infused positions been adopted, Israel would have ceded its crucial edge against Tehran’s genocidal proxies through useless agreements, rather than strived for and started to achieve concrete victories.
But victory isn’t in Team Biden’s lexicon. No, that crew doesn’t believe in the concept—not even in the context of a nuclearizing Islamic Republic bent on defeating the West, in general, and specifically on wiping Israel off the map.
This was evident from Biden’s urging in April, after Iran launched hundreds of missiles and drones at Israel, that Netanyahu “take the win” and move on. The “win” to which he was referring was the successful interception of the projectiles. In other words, dodging a bullet is preferable to targeting and taking out a shooter.
Following Iran’s ballistic barrage last week, Biden’s main concern focused on Israeli retaliation. He went as far as to say that he opposes an Israeli strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities and oil fields. He then added the usual mantra about Israel’s right to respond, as long as civilians aren’t killed.
Which brings us back to the 50-minute phone call that was the first communication between Biden and Bibi in some 50 days. Apparently, the White House defines “having Israel’s back” as turning its back on the Jewish state—when not stabbing it in the back by withholding crucial weaponry and constantly calling for ceasefires, that is. You know, the kind of “peace deals” that benefit the very mass murderers engaged in the ongoing seven-front assault against America’s key ally in the Middle East.
Given the length of the chat, it’s obvious that much was omitted from the White House summation of it. But reading between the already despicable lines is sufficient to glean what must have been a far worse exchange.
The following excerpt is illustrative: “On Lebanon, the president emphasized the need for a diplomatic arrangement to safely return both Lebanese and Israeli civilians to their homes on both sides of the Blue Line. The president affirmed Israel’s right to protect its citizens from Hezbollah, which has fired thousands of missiles and rockets into Israel over the past year alone, while emphasizing the need to minimize harm to civilians, in particular in the densely populated areas of Beirut. On Gaza, the leaders discussed the urgent need to renew diplomacy to release the hostages held by Hamas. The president also discussed the humanitarian situation in Gaza and the imperative to restore access to the north, including by reinvigorating the corridor from Jordan immediately.”
The sole mention of Iran preceded the above passage; it was a short condemnation of the Oct. 1 ballistic-missile attack on Israel. No acknowledgement of Tehran’s being the head of the terrorist octopus. Not a word about nukes or Israeli plans for some major “October surprise.”
It’s not clear whether Netanyahu informed Biden of what Israel has in store for the ayatollahs. He probably didn’t reveal his whole hand, so as to avoid receiving a raspy presidential “Don’t.” But he certainly was right to save Gallant a flight.
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