To no one’s surprise, Evan Gershkovich, a U.S. citizen and accredited foreign correspondent for The Wall Street Journal, was sentenced by a Russian court last Friday to 16 years in a high-security penal colony on charges of espionage.
Mr. Gershkovich, 32, was “wrongfully
convicted in a hurried, secret trial that the U.S. government has
condemned as a sham,” the Journal reported.
Since his arrest in March of last year, Russian authorities have produced not a shred of evidence against him.
What comes next is “hostage diplomacy,” an
Orwellian term, an admission of American weakness, an acknowledgement
that the U.S. has no intention of punishing anyone for imprisoning an
innocent American nor any plan to deter those will do so in the future.
Look, I understand that anyone whose loved one is unjustly imprisoned wants that loved one freed—at whatever price.
But rewarding hostage-taking today
incentivizes hostage-taking tomorrow. America’s leaders should at least
be wrestling with this conundrum.
In 2015, President Barack Obama established the Office of the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs. The envoy’s “one overriding goal,” then-Secretary of State John Kerry proclaimed, was to use “diplomacy to secure the safe return of Americans held hostage overseas.”
That may work in some cases, but what’s
the chance that American diplomats can talk Russian strongman Vladimir
Putin or Iranian dictator Ali Khamenei into releasing their hostages?
A former CIA agent told me last week about another approach—one the U.S. is unlikely to choose.
In 1986, there were credible reports that
four Soviet diplomats had been kidnapped by Hezbollah in Lebanon. In
response, the KGB killed a relative of a senior Hezbollah leader, and
then sent body parts of the deceased relative to that leader, along with
a note warning that other relatives would suffer the same fate if the
diplomats were not released. They were—promptly.
“This is the way the Soviets operate,” an unnamed “observer” told The Jerusalem Post at the time. “And this is the language Hezbollah understands.’”
Because we Americans don’t use KGB methods
and because diplomatic persuasion falls short, the U.S. often ends up
rewarding hostage-takers.
In 2009, Obama paid $1.5 million to Iran’s
rulers to gain the release of three American hostages kidnapped along
the Iran-Iraq border.
In 2022, President Joe Biden secured the
release from Russia of basketball star Brittney Griner (who had admitted
entering the country with cannabis oil) in exchange for the release of Viktor Bout,
a Russian arms dealer known as the “Merchant of Death” who had been
serving a 25-year prison sentence for conspiring to sell weapons to
people who planned to kill Americans.
In September of last year, Biden unfroze
at least $6 billion of Iranian assets in exchange for the release of
five American hostages.
I could cite additional examples.
The result is that despotic rulers can say
to thugs: “There’s an individual abroad I need you to eliminate. Should
you get caught, the jails in Western countries aren’t like those in
Russia or Iran. Before long, we’ll arrest an American, convict him on
some charge, real or invented, and then swap him for you. The Americans
will boast that their diplomacy brought another American home. Candy
from a baby!”
This suggests how the Gershkovich case may play out.
Speaking with Tucker Carlson in February,
Mr. Putin mentioned a “patriot” who had “eliminated a bandit in one of
the European capitals.”
That was almost certainly a reference to Vadim Krasikov,
a Russian national linked to the FSB, the Russian security service, now
serving a life sentence in Germany for murdering—with a silenced Glock
26 in a Berlin park in broad daylight in 2019—exiled Chechen rebel
leader Zelimkhan Khangoshvili.
If this is indeed what Mr. Putin wants,
“hostage diplomacy” will require American diplomats to convince German
leaders to release Mr. Krasikov in exchange for which Mr. Putin will
free Mr. Gershkovich.
But that scenario, as Ulrich Lechte of the Free Democratic Party told the BBC
in March, will send “the political signal that Russia can commit
further murders on our territory, which will then be released and thus
remain unpunished.”
What’s the alternative, if not for Mr.
Gershkovich and other Americans held in Russia—e.g., Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty journalist Alsu Kurmasheva and U.S. Marine veteran Paul Whelan—but for others who will be wrongfully detained in the future?
My colleague Richard Goldberg,
a former National Security Council official, makes a persuasive case
that hostage-taking “is not a form of enhanced diplomacy; it is
gray-zone warfare” requiring “aggressive retaliation with room to
escalate within a gray-zone battlespace.”
That would include onerous economic
sanctions on everyone involved in hostage-taking, along with
“cyberattacks, information operations and other clandestine initiatives”
designed to demonstrate that “the cost of seizing an American outweighs
any potential benefit.”
I’ll put another idea on the table: A
little skillful diplomacy could result in a kind of NATO Article 5 on
hostage-taking: an agreement among America’s allies that, any time one
of their citizens is “wrongfully detained,” they will all expel the
ambassadors of the criminal regime, recall their own ambassadors and
coordinate sanctions tough enough to seriously damage the economy of the
offending regime.
The bottom line: For America to be safe
and for Americans to be safe, it’s not sufficient that we and our allies
be stronger than our enemies. The imbalance—militarily and
economically—needs to be overwhelming.
Would that be Donald Trump’s highest priority should he get a second term?
I have no idea, but I will say this: “Make
America great again” will be a meaningless phrase so long as despots
such as Mr. Putin and Mr. Khamenei are playing Americans for fools time
and time again.
Originally published by The Washington Times.
No comments:
Post a Comment