Since she became the presumptive nominee
of the Democratic Party for the presidency in the last week, backers of
Vice President Kamala Harris have been doing their best to redefine her
image. That has involved a considerable amount of positive spin about
her past and personality, all intended to create a wave of support for
the effort to defeat former President Donald Trump.
It’s also involved a healthy dose of what can only be considered an almost Stalinist rewriting
of history, such as their claim that President Joe Biden hadn’t put her
in charge of the disaster on America’s southern border, which has been
dutifully repeated by their cheerleaders in the mainstream corporate
media. The same treatment
has been given to coverage of her support in 2020 for a fund that
bailed out Black Lives Matter rioters and other criminals, including
those guilty of violent offenses.
However, when it comes to defining her
views on Israel and the war being waged against it by Iran and its
terrorist proxies, such shameful deceptions aren’t considered necessary.
Instead, the vice president believes the way to navigate the campaign
is a careful effort to signal both friends of the Jewish state and those
who oppose it that she sympathizes with their positions.
Splitting hairs on the Middle East
That’s the only way to characterize her comments following her July 25 meeting
with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, during which she posed
as not only a supporter of Israel but also someone who sides with its
most harsh and dishonest critics. In doing so, she provided ammunition
for her supporters to fend off the arguments of those on the right who
claim that she is nothing less than an open foe of the Jewish state. At
the same time, she gave Democrats seeking to persuade hard-core leftists
who do hate Israel—and who had threatened not to vote for Biden—that
they have reason to hope that she may be more hostile to Jerusalem than
Biden was.
Harris’s comments demonstrated that while
she has been a flawed messenger for the administration who often
inspired more ridicule than praise, she can also be a savvy politician
who knows how to split hairs when necessary.
Since the Hamas terrorist attacks in
southern Israel on Oct. 7, Biden has struggled mightily to articulate a
coherent position on the war on the terror group in Gaza. At times
sounding like the lifelong Zionist he claims to be while at other
moments repeating Hamas propaganda, Biden sewed confusion when he should
have been sending clear messages to Iran and its terrorist proxies. But
while Harris’s position was similarly equivocal, it was delivered with
the sort of assurance and steely discipline, as well as a degree of
calculated hostility towards Netanyahu, Biden was incapable of pulling
off.
This should give no comfort to those who
worry about how a Harris administration will treat the Jewish state.
Jewish Democrats will harp on her statements of support for Israel, its
right to exist and her horror for the crimes of Oct. 7—all of which are,
if viewed in isolation, exemplary. But her declaration that the ensuing
war post-massacre, carried out by Hamas and Palestinian operatives, “is
not a binary issue” should send chills down their spines. By
championing the notion that the two sides are morally equivalent, she
made it clear that Israelis should not be counting on the United States
to have its back should she prevail in November.
That Harris wished to accentuate her
hostility to Netanyahu and the democratically elected government he
leads became apparent the day before the meeting when, along with half
of the Democrats in the House and Senate, she boycotted
his address to Congress. She was determined to avoid any pictures or
videos of her applauding or treating the prime minister with the
courtesy and honor she has given other foreign leaders, like Ukrainian
President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
Any thought that this gesture was followed
by a friendly chat was dispelled by her opening remarks, characterizing
the meeting as “frank and constructive.” In the language of diplomacy,
that can only describe a conversation conducted with hostility and
distrust.
Speaking to two audiences
That was followed by a ritual declaration
of “unwavering support” for Israel and her claim that she raised money
as a child for the Jewish National Fund. It’s possible that this
undocumented anecdote is true, but the idea that the daughter of a
Marxist economics professor went door to door asking for donations for
planting trees in Israel in far-left Berkeley, Calif., sounds like one
of the tall tales Biden likes to spin about his life.
This was followed by her not only
denouncing Hamas’s crimes but also saying aloud the names of the
Americans still being held hostage by the terrorists. That was not only
entirely praiseworthy—and a signal to Netanyahu’s Israeli critics who
favor prioritizing the ransoming of the hostages over finishing off the
terrorists—but a smart way to signal support for Israel that Biden
failed to articulate.
It was immediately offset by qualifying
her support for Israel’s right to defense with the caveat that “how it
does so matters,” followed by a repetition of Hamas’s claims about the
plight of the Gazans who have been harmed by the war.
Her talk of “food insecurity” showed that
the claims of a famine in the Gaza Strip are now so thoroughly debunked
that not even Harris will repeat it, while also being absurd since how
can any people who launched a terrorist war—as the Palestinians did on
Oct. 7—expect that the supply of food to their kitchens will not be
affected. Nor did she mention that the only reason why the massive
amounts of aid that have poured into Gaza since the war started with
Israeli help have not lessened Palestinian suffering is that Hamas
seizes most of it. Also missing was any mention of Iran, which has
played a key role in fomenting the war. Unfortunately, appeasing the
Islamist regime remains an article of faith among liberal Democrats like
Harris.
In this section of her statement, Harris
was all sympathy and concern for Palestinians and their suffering, yet
she didn’t state the most important point to be made about what is a
genuine crisis, even though it has been exaggerated: All of it is the
fault of Hamas. To speak of “images of dead children” without saying
that the only reason they died is that their leaders intended to start a
war in which as many Palestinians as possible would perish to blacken
Israel’s image is an act of moral obtuseness.
Granting Hamas victory
She then asserted that a deal to “end the
war” was on the table, which would involve a complete ceasefire and then
a total withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza. Israel would get its
hostages back, but what this amounts to is a demand for a return to the
status quo that existed on Oct. 6. And that represents nothing less than
a formula for victory for Hamas, which would rightly claim that the
West had forced Israel to accept defeat. Though the terrorists’
organized military formations have been largely destroyed, its remnants
would quickly resume control of the Strip in spite of any possible plans
for foreign forces to assume security control.
Bolstered by the triumph of their
survival, the terror group would loom as an even greater threat to the
alleged “moderates” of Fatah, who control the Palestinian Authority in
Judea and Samaria, than before. And without Israel administering the
border between Gaza and Egypt, Hamas would quickly go about
reconstructing its terrorist state with, no doubt, the assistance of
Western Europe and a Harris administration.
Such a deal might gain the freedom of the
Israeli hostages, though anyone who is counting on Hamas keeping its
word after it gets most of what it wants is dreaming. What it would be
is a guarantee that Israel could look forward to future atrocities by a
Hamas movement that will have been emboldened by the sympathy of Western
liberals rather than chastened by the cost of the Israeli
counter-offensives. Hostage families thinking that this is a fair
exchange is perhaps to be understood; still, it is incompatible with any
notion that the United States supports Israel’s security or wishes to
prevent more bloodshed in the future.
Harris then followed that by saying that
the United States was still committed to a path towards a two-state
solution sometime in the indefinite future.
Illogical and insincere
A two-state solution is a rational idea in
theory. But Harris and the Democrats who cling to this notion are not
listening to the Palestinians. Hamas, which now commands the support of
most Palestinians, is only interested in Israel’s extinction and the
genocide of Jews. The Palestinian Authority is similarly unprepared to
recognize the legitimacy of a Jewish state, no matter where its borders
are drawn. And both have demonstrated their commitment to this vile goal
by their attitude towards the current war and the atrocities of Oct. 7.
At some point, leaders like Harris—who
qualify their support for Israel with arguments that Jerusalem must also
be forced to make suicidal concessions to people who have shown time
and again that they are not interested in peace—need to be held
accountable for a position that is, at best, illogical, and, at worst,
utterly insincere.
It’s all well and good to repeat lines
about a two-state solution being necessary for the survival of a secure,
Jewish and democratic state. This is a theory that could have made
sense before Israel signed the Oslo Accords in 1993—agreeing to withdraw
from almost all of the territories and part of Jerusalem in 1999, 2000
and 2008 in order to create a Palestinian state—only to be turned down
each time. It did remove every Jewish settlement, settler and soldier
from Gaza in the summer of 2005. But the events of the last 31 years
have completely discredited the land-for-peace theory among Israelis,
the overwhelming majority of whom now reject the idea as not so much
ill-advised as insane. That understanding of the intransigence of the
Palestinians was only reinforced by the events of Oct. 7. Yet to Harris,
none of this matters.
The worst element of Harris’s statement came at its end when she told “ceasefire advocates”—a euphemism for the pro-Hamas mobs
that gathered this week in Washington to vent their spleen at Israel
and to tear down and burn American flags, as well as to the antisemitic
mobs that have turned college campuses into no-go zones—that “I see you
and hear you.”
Like her previous statements
along these lines, this is a demonstration of sympathy for those who,
like Hamas, want Israel destroyed. It needs to be repeated that this is
exactly what Democrats have falsely accused Trump of doing when they
promoted the myth that he had called neo-Nazis in Charlottesville, Va.,
in 2017 “very fine people.” For Harris, those who demonstrate for the
destruction of Israel are not hatemongers to be despised but “very fine
people” who need to be assured that they are seen and heard.
Moral equivalence
In saying that the war in Gaza “is not a
binary issue” but a complex one, the vice president was not only
directly refuting Netanyahu when he told Congress that the conflict
represents a clash between “barbarism and civilization.” She was denying
the essential reason why the conflict continues despite decades of
peace-processing and Israeli concessions. To condemn “terrorism and
violence” without understanding that these are the only tactics that
Palestinians consider politically legitimate is to display both
ignorance and disingenuousness.
The same is true for her closing remarks
declaring her opposition to both antisemitism and Islamophobia. The
surge in Jew-hatred across America among left-wingers is real. Talk of
Islamophobia is merely a way to try to delegitimize those who call out
Muslims for their loathing of Jews and Israel.
The events of Oct. 7—and the reality of
Palestinian intransigence and commitment to anti-Jewish violence—should
compel decent people to recognize that the current war is a conflict
between good and evil. Yet if the goal is only to combine statements to
placate liberal Jewish Democratic donors with those that might play well
among antisemitic radical leftists and Muslims, then such moral clarity
is neither possible nor desirable.
Americans have a right to expect more than
platitudes that treat Israel and its foes as morally equivalent. The
talk of rejecting binary reasoning about this war is no more defensible
than it would be about the war against the Nazis, whose eliminationist
goals, Hamas and the Palestinians share.
A President Kamala Harris can be expected
to continue a policy of moral equivalence in which Israel might not be
completely abandoned but it would be pressured, as it was under
President Barack Obama, to endanger its people in order to appease
people who want it dead. Some may consider that good enough. But in a
Middle East that—thanks to the colossal mistakes made by Obama and
Biden—has become even more dangerous for Israel, it is a formula for a
future in which we can expect more Jewish and Arab blood to be shed
because Palestinian terrorists believe that Washington will continue to
bail them out.
1 comment:
A Kamala Dragon. Not technically venomous but their bite is often very dangerous because of poor oral hygiene. Seems fitting somehow.
Post a Comment