On ABC’s Sunday program, “This
Week with George Stephanopoulos,” White House National Security
Communications Adviser John Kirby acknowledged sheepishly that Hamas is
holding up a deal with Israel that would see the end of the war in Gaza
and the release of at least some of the hostages.
The fact that something so obvious
requires repeating is beyond outrageous. Nevertheless, it’s made
necessary by the choir of voices blaming Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
(“Bibi”) Netanyahu for the absence of an arrangement with Hamas chief
Yahya Sinwar and his army of mass murderers.
Asked by Stephanopoulos whether it’s true
that the “Gaza ceasefire talks have gone cold,” Kirby replied: “I would
say that we are not achieving any progress here in the last week to two
weeks; not for lack of trying. But it doesn’t appear like Mr. Sinwar is
prepared at all to keep negotiating in good faith, especially after he
murdered six hostages in a tunnel … execution-style. So, it doesn’t
appear as if he’s willing to move this forward.”
As they always do when someone in the
American administration fingers the real culprit, Israelis on the side
of the spectrum that believes in the government’s war goals promptly
highlighted this admission. It’s one of the arguments they use to
counter claims by the “anybody but Bibi” protesters that Netanyahu is at
fault for not playing ball with the so-called “mediators” in
Washington, Cairo and Doha.
In their enthusiasm to illustrate, once
again, that even U.S. officials are accusing Hamas of being the
stumbling block, these pundits failed to focus on the language of
Kirby’s interview—and on the rest of its disturbing content.
Let’s start with his referring to this
bloodluster, famous for killing Palestinians with his bare hands, as
“Mr. Sinwar.” Talk about an ill-deserved honorific, to put it mildly.
Worse, it indicates utter cluelessness
about the character of the Middle East, in general, and Sinwar’s
identity, in particular. He’s not a “mister.” He’s a monster who revels
in being hailed as such. It’s the source of his power over the people he
terrorizes, both his own and Israel’s.
Then there’s Kirby’s delicacy in
describing how “it doesn’t appear like Mr. Sinwar is prepared at all to
keep negotiating in good faith—especially after he murdered six hostages
in a tunnel … execution-style.”
When, one wonders, did he ever negotiate
“in good faith?” Executing the starved, abused hostages his operatives
and “civilian” supporters tortured, raped and kidnapped on Oct. 7 was
par for Sinwar. Kirby’s use of the word “especially” constituted an
apologetic clarification for the mere suggestion that the Hamas chief
might not be as reliable a partner for powwows as the U.S. government
had imagined.
Kirby then hurried to reassure Stephanopoulos that the above “doesn’t mean we’re not trying.”
Indeed, he added, “you heard the president
talk about this just a few days ago. Things can be unrealistic until
all of sudden they are realistic, and that’s why our team is still
engaged with Qatar, with Egypt, with the Israelis, to see if we can’t
move it forward.”
Notice Hamas’s glaring absence from the list of parties—you know, the ones negotiating with themselves.
As if Kirby’s statements about Gaza
weren’t sufficiently nauseating, he outdid himself when discussing what
Stephanopoulos called the “escalation” in Lebanon.
“We believe that there are better ways to
try to get those Israeli citizens back in their homes up in the
north—and to keep those that are there [safe]—than a war, than an
escalation, than opening up a second front there at that border with
Lebanon against Hezbollah,” he said. “We still believe that there can be
time and space for a diplomatic solution here and that’s what we’re
working on.”
Stephanopoulos wasn’t satisfied with the
answer; he wanted to know how it jibed with Netanyahu’s “disregarding
what the United States is calling for,” which is a change in the balance
of power along Israel’s northern border.
“Well, look, the prime minister can speak
for himself and what policies he’s trying to pursue, what operations
he’s trying to conduct,” Kirby responded. “We all, of course, recognize
that the tensions are much higher now than they were even just a few
days ago. We certainly have been monitoring the reports of strikes back
and forth across that border. But all that does … is underscore for us
how important it is to try to find a diplomatic solution.”
He went on: “Nobody’s pollyannish about
how hard that’s going to be, certainly in light of the events over the
last week or so. But that doesn’t mean we’re going to give up on it. We
don’t believe that a military conflict—and we’re saying this directly to
our Israeli counterparts—we don’t believe that escalating this military
conflict is in their best interest. It’s certainly not going to be in
the best interest of all those people [whom] Netanyahu says he wants to
be able to send back home.”
Somebody should let Kirby know that “all
those people”—as well as the majority of Israelis throughout the
country—have been urging Netanyahu to eliminate the threat through
serious military action beyond tit-for-tat strikes of attrition.
Stephanopoulos pressed him further. “So, what is the U.S. doing exactly to advance a diplomatic initiative?” he asked.
“We have been involved in extensive and
quite assertive diplomacy,” Kirby said proudly, clearly referring to
pressure on Israel from the White House and State Department. “In fact,
one of our envoys, Amos Hochstein … was in the region just a few days
ago. We will certainly keep up those conversations as best we can. And
we’re talking to Mossad, too.”
Mention of Israel’s spy agency provided Stephanopoulos with the perfect segue to his next comment disguised as a query.
“This latest escalation seems to have been
sparked by the pager detonations by Israel earlier this week. … Is the
United States concerned about what some have said is a relatively
indiscriminate response—eh effect—of these pager detonations?”
Calling the most ingenious precision hit
on thousands of Hezbollah terrorists simultaneously “indiscriminate” is
nothing short of open hostility to Israel, no matter what it does or
doesn’t do.
Kirby squirmed. “There’s not a lot I can
say about those incidents … because … we weren’t involved in it,” he
said. [But] we are watching all these escalating tensions that have been
occurring over the last week or so with great concern. We want to make
sure that we can continue to do everything we can to try to prevent this
from becoming an all-out war there with Hezbollah there across that
Lebanese border. We don’t want—in fact, we’ve been working since the
beginning of this conflict, from Oct. 8 and on—to try to prevent an
escalation and to prevent a broadening of this conflict, there and in
and around Israel, but also in the region.”
He failed to clarify that Hezbollah
attacked Israel, unprovoked, a day after Hamas committed the worst
atrocities against Jews since the Holocaust. Nor did he bother to remind
Stephanopoulos that both are Iranian proxies. He did stress, however,
that “we don’t believe military action is in either side’s best
interest.”
Here’s a news flash for him and anyone
else who hasn’t been facing a seven-front war of annihilation: Diplomacy
gets you slaughtered. Military action, which is the only option in this
case, should be welcomed—and victory championed—not hampered, by
Israel’s professed allies.
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