In an interview with The Jerusalem Post
on Aug. 28, Yonathan Arfi, the head of the French Jewish umbrella body
Crif, complained that most of his fellow citizens have an understanding
of antisemitism that is rooted in the memory of the Second World War.
The indelible association of Nazism with Jew-hatred, Arfi argued,
prevents today’s generations from perceiving antisemitism as a live and
current threat to the Jewish communities in their midst.
Given that Arfi represents a community
that has endured a 200% increase in antisemitic outrages since Jan. 1,
his views on this matter deserve to be taken seriously. And on one
level, he is right. Antisemitic skinheads are still out there, but right
now, they don’t represent the greatest threat to Jewish communities.
Nonetheless, because they are seen as the true inheritors of the
ideology behind the Holocaust, casual observers are blinded to the
reality that today’s antisemites aren’t overly concerned with shaving
their heads, wearing keffiyehs instead of swastikas and chanting “From
the River to the Sea” instead of “Sieg Heil.” As a result of these
optics, the pro-Hamas solidarity movement that has mushroomed in Western
countries since the Oct. 7 atrocities is not, in the eyes of many,
targeting Jews per se, but rather ideas and symbols—Zionism, the State
of Israel—that can be denounced in the language of anti-colonialism, and
not for their connections to Judaism.
If there is a logic here, it might perhaps
be explained along these lines: Just as opposing the Vietnam War in the
1970s didn’t necessarily mean opposition to the existence of America
and Americans, so opposing Israel’s defensive war in Gaza in the 2020s
doesn’t mean that you’re an antisemite of the Nazi eliminationist
variety. This view is bolstered by the fact that the pro-Hamas movement
presents itself as a rainbow coalition of different ethnicities,
religions and lifestyles that couches its rhetoric within general
appeals to equality and human rights.
Because of that perception, I think it’s a
mistake to focus this debate solely on the matter of presentation. The
fact remains that we are dealing with an upsurge of antisemitism
unprecedented in scale and venom since the Holocaust. And much of what
we are witnessing echoes the Nazi period, particularly before the
implementation of the mass extermination policy at the turn of the
1940s. Indeed, these echoes are a big part of the reason why there is so
much ominous thinking among Jewish communities about where all this is
heading.
Of course, there are significant differences between then and now, the
most obvious being that during the Nazi era, antisemitism was a
state-driven policy, whereas today it’s a civil society phenomenon in
Western countries. Still, there are two overlaps that are worth pointing
out.
Firstly, while Western governments aren’t
actively discriminating against their Jewish populations, many of them
are feeding antisemitic sentiments. This is certainly true of those
countries in the European Union, such as Spain and the Republic of
Ireland, which have pushed for unilateral recognition of a Palestinian
state and advocated for sanctions against members of the current Israeli
government. These politicians have essentially blessed the notion that
Israel is a rogue state committing war crimes and therefore deserving of
anger—anger that all too often gets directed at Jewish communities. As
Arfi pointed out, “We all live with the idea that some people consider
Jews to be legitimate targets for a battle happening 4,000 kilometers
away.”
Secondly, many of the tactics and methods
supported by the Hamas acolytes mirror the anti-Jewish measures
introduced by the Nazi regime. A particularly shocking example emerged
last week when the ultra-left New Communist Party in Italy published
a blacklist of institutions and individuals who “support or promote the
Zionist state in Italy.” In essence, this was an electronic version of
the Nazi boycott campaign of Jewish-owned stores and businesses in
Germany during the 1930s that helped give rise to the Holocaust a few
years later.
In tandem with that is the rewriting of
Jewish history and the caricaturing of Jewish theology. Social-media
platforms like X (Twitter) and Instagram have been flooded with content
that mocks the link between the land of Israel and the Jewish people,
casting Israelis as Ashkenazi colonists who have willfully stolen Arab
territories. The feed of Richard Medhurst—an Anglo-Syrian propagandist
whose unhinged ravings are published by Iran’s Press TV and Russia’s
RT—is replete with disparaging references to Ashkenazi Jews, to give one
example. Medhurst’s co-thinkers, like Scott Ritter, an American former
U.N. weapons inspector and convicted pedophile, and Mary Kostakidis, an
Australian reporter who has enthusiastically embraced Medhurst’s own
hatred of Zionism, form a reliable echo chamber for this theme and
others, such as the slander that Jewish “chosenness”—a purely religious
notion about the Jewish relationship with God—is actually an ideology of
racial and national superiority. All these outpourings are designed to
make their audiences despise all Jews, everywhere; in Israel, where they
occupy and persecute the “indigenous” Palestinian Arabs, and outside,
where the vast majority of Jews who support Israel, and have family and
friends there, are framed as inherently suspect.
As I’ve argued before—and
here is the link between the antisemitism of the last century and that
in this one—anti-Zionism has morphed into “antizionism.” Freed from its
hyphen, what remains is an ornate, multi-layered conspiracy theory with
pretensions to be a revelatory, liberating and compelling explanation
for why the world is in a rotten state.
For that reason, I think we can now reasonably speak of the “Nazification” of anti-Zionism. As the Nazi newspaper Der Stürmer,
citing the German historian Heinrich von Treitschke, declared from its
masthead: “The Jews are our misfortune.” For their inheritors, it’s the
“Zionists” who play the same nefarious role, but for all intents and
purposes, there is no practical distinction between these two
categories. If we are to educate non-Jews about the evils of
antisemitism, we are obliged to demonstrate its consistencies across
different historical periods. The core message is, after all, evolving
in the same way as the trajectory of antisemitism through the ages: You
have no right to live among us as Zionists; you have no right to live
among us; you have no right to live.
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