Who were the parties most damaged by a
series of brilliant operations carried out by Israel against its
terrorist enemies? At the top of the list are the terrorists
and their sponsors. By killing Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran,
Hamas military commander Mohammed Deif in Gaza and Hezbollah chief of
staff Fuad Shukr in Beirut, the Jewish state not only exacted
retribution for the rivers of Jewish blood this trio had shed over the
years. It also dealt powerful blows to the collective terrorist
organizations’ ability to operate, and most of all, undermined the power
and image of their chief sponsor and instigators: the Islamist regime
of Iran.
Their discomfort ought to be a cause for
rejoicing among Israel’s friends and allies, as well as the governments
and peoples of the West, against whom these Islamist killers are also
waging war. But it isn’t. Or at least that isn’t the reaction of the
Biden-Harris administration and its leading press cheerleaders. On the
contrary, Washington is acting as if it was the chief victim of the
slaying of terrorists who were, at least in theory, among those
designated by the U.S. government as wanted men.
Their discomfort goes beyond fears
initially voiced in the aftermath of the Israeli strikes about an
all-out war being ignited between Israel and Iran, and its proxies. To
listen to and read the statements coming out of the administration, it’s
clear that their anguish is about something more fundamental than the
understandable uncertainty about what might happen next.
The subtext to all of their comments centers on two clear concerns.
Embarrassing those in the White House
One is that Israel’s actions are
interfering with Washington’s desire to end the current conflicts with
Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon as soon as possible and on terms
that will not unduly discomfort Iran. When asked to comment on the
killings of these terrorists, all President Joe Biden could muster in
response was to say, in a rare live comment, that “it has not helped”
his push for a ceasefire in Gaza that would save Hamas.
The other is that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is embarrassing the Americans.
His willingness to move decisively in this
manner is not merely shining a light on the administration’s weakness
when dealing on the international stage. It’s also having the effect of
highlighting the fact that the United States is currently led by a
person whose physical and mental fitness is very much in question,
causing both friends and foes to wonder who, if anyone, is truly in
charge in Washington right now?
This is causing much consternation among the foreign-policy establishment with its leading mouthpieces, like New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, lamenting
that Netanyahu isn’t prioritizing the administration’s interests. But
even in his latest broadside against Netanyahu, Friedman acknowledged
that the United States is being forced to choose what to do about an
Iran that has, thanks to the appeasement policies of Biden and former
President Barack Obama, not only become a threshold nuclear power. It’s
also now an “imperial power” in the Middle East that is dominating the
region and forcing conflicts with Israel that most Arabs want no part
of.
This goes beyond the “daylight” between
Israel and the United States that Obama sought and that has also been a
key element of the relationship between the two countries under Biden.
Simply put, while Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris never tire of
saying that they support Israel’s right to defend itself, what they
really mean by this is that they want Jerusalem to do as little as
possible to stop its enemies from killing its people.
An Israeli policy that aims at decisively
defeating Hamas in Gaza, forcing Hezbollah to stop firing on northern
Israel, and, above all, making it clear to Iran that the price of their
war to eliminate the Jewish state is one they cannot pay would seem to
completely align with American interests. But not with those of Biden
and Harris.
What they want from Netanyahu is peace and
quiet. And an end to the war on Hamas on virtually any terms—and the
ones that Harris sketched out
last week that call for a complete Israeli retreat from Gaza would
essentially hand a victory to the group that committed the mass murder
of 1,200 people on Oct. 7—would largely stifle the complaints of the
left-wing of the Democratic Party about their being insufficiently
hostile to Israel. That, as well as the dubious claim that this would be
a triumph for American diplomacy, would help her to defeat former
President Donald Trump in November.
A power vacuum
When Biden spoke of Israel not being
helpful, he wasn’t so much speaking about the claim that an Israeli
surrender of its interests would free the more than 100 hostages still
being held by Hamas. Rather, he was referring to the administration’s
ongoing efforts to pose as a decisive actor on the global stage when, in
fact, it is anything but that.
According to the new conventional wisdom
of the day being peddled by the U.S. foreign-policy establishment,
Netanyahu is playing the role of an American foe seeking to take
advantage of the chaos at the White House. With Biden’s condition and
status uncertain in the wake of the coup that was executed against him
by his party’s leaders, including Obama—and now Harris seeking—with the
eager assistance of a compliant liberal corporate mainstream media to
transform her image from one of a colossal failure to that of a great
leader, the talk of a power vacuum in Washington is not metaphorical.
That is why ardent Israel-bashers like Johns Hopkins professor Vali Nasr are being quoted in the Times
claiming that Netanyahu is the moral equivalent of “Vladimir Putin or
Xi Jinping or Kim Jong-un” for having the temerity to kill terrorists.
In the same piece, J Street co-founder Daniel Levy argued that Israel
was “humiliating” Iran in a manner that was “another crossing of
multiple lines” and was, by extension, hurting Biden and Harris’s
efforts to improve the relationship with Tehran.
The argument is that doing this is making
it seem as if, in Nasr’s words, “America is not in control.” But that
formulation has it backwards. The whole point of the Middle East
policies pursued first by Obama—then Biden and now by U.S. Secretary of
State Antony Blinken or Harris—is that it is Iran that is in control,
not the United States.
It is true that there is widespread doubt
about American leadership right now. But that has nothing to do with
what Netanyahu does or doesn’t do. With a president so feeble that he
was forced to end his re-election campaign weeks before his party was
about to renominate him and an equally weak-willed replacement like
Harris now standing in for him, it’s little wonder that the
international community cannot trust or rely on the United States to
play a coherent, let alone a decisive, role on the world stage.
That didn’t begin with Biden’s obvious
decline in the last year. From the moment he took office in January
2021, his foreign policy was one that inspired contempt among America’s
foes and concern on the part of its allies. His feckless pursuit of
another round of appeasement of Iran, and then the disastrous retreat
from Afghanistan, marked his presidency as one whose hallmark was defeat
and disgrace—something that directly led to the Russian invasion of
Ukraine, and ultimately, to Hamas’s Oct. 7 assault on Israel.
Since then, the American policy has been
to slow-walk aid to Israel in such a manner as to force it to give up
its justified quest to remove Hamas from control of Gaza. While the
administration is willing to help defend Israel against attacks from
Iran, the price it wants Israel to pay for that assistance is to do
little or nothing to pre-empt future assaults. Were Netanyahu to
comply—both by agreeing to the humiliating ceasefire terms outlined by
Harris and by ending all efforts to substantially harm the terrorist
groups by killing the criminals that lead them—it would make life easier
for Washington and, no doubt, aid Harris’s election campaign. But it
would also substantially damage its security while also enhancing Iran’s
quest to gain regional hegemony. And that’s not even taking into
account the fact that, to Jerusalem’s consternation, the administration
has essentially conceded that it will not prevent Tehran from achieving
its nuclear ambitions—something that is an existential threat to Israel
as well as a terrible blow to U.S. and Western interests.
Doing America’s dirty work
There is genuine uncertainty about what
will happen in the coming days, weeks and months until November, and
then the inauguration of a new American president next January. Still,
the assumption that an assertion of Israeli strength and a demonstration
of Iran’s inability to protect its terrorist minions will make the
world more dangerous is misguided. The more the Islamist foes of the
West and Israel fear for their lives, the more likely it is that they
will be deterred from further mayhem, allowing both Israelis and
Americans to be safer. By killing Fukr, Deif and Haniyeh—and giving the
mullahs in Tehran reason to worry about their own security—Israel was
defending its people against Islamist murderers and doing a job that
Americans needed done, whether or not it served the political and policy
interests of Biden or Harris.
While Israeli leaders must always seek to
stay as close as they can to their American counterparts, that is an
impossible task for Netanyahu right now and one that could harm his own
country’s security. As long as American policy is dedicated to appeasing
the mullahs in Tehran and propping up their terrorist allies, coupled
with a leadership vacuum in Washington, Israel cannot just sit back and
watch as its enemies grow more powerful and bolder in their efforts to
kill Jews.
It isn’t Netanyahu’s job to bolster an
American administration that is determined to project weakness rather
than strength. If America now appears weak or not in control, the blame
rests on Biden, Harris and their Washington cheerleaders. Rather than
attacking Netanyahu for doing his job, Americans who care about their
country’s security should be cheering Israel for doing what a failed
administration either won’t or cannot do.
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